Journalist Vladimir Ruvinsky argues that amid the war in Ukraine and the labor shortage in Russia, the Russian government has shifted its approach to pensioners – they are increasingly on their own to provide for what Putin calls a “decent old age.”

Historian Rustam Alexander chronicles how Russians have gradually come to view psychological and psychiatric issues as socially acceptable topics. With the war in Ukraine dragging on, demand for antidepressants in Russia has jumped.

Sociologist Denis Volkov breaks down October surveys by the Levada Center showing low interest in the US presidential election among Russians. While there is more support for Trump, people generally remain skeptical about his ability to improve US-Russia relations and end the Ukraine conflict.

Journalist Sergei Shelin discusses what the Kremlin’s “pivot to the East” (and away from the West) has meant for the average person in Russia. He argues that neither Iran nor even China has replaced Europe in Russian hearts and minds.

Journalist Sergei Shelin writes that against the backdrop of the war, alcohol consumption in Russia, having declined for years, is back up, with stress, fear and grief as the main reasons.

Based on data from a multi-stage study, sociologist Elena Koneva traces the evolution of attitudes toward the war from Russia’s invasion in February 2022 through Ukraine’s raid into Kursk Region in August 2024.

Based on her academic research, sociologist Karina Goulordava describes the experience of Russians who fled to Turkey following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. A tightening of immigration policy by the Turkish government is now forcing them to consider looking for new places to resettle.

Egor Seroletov, the pseudonym of an editor at a Russian propaganda outlet, describes how directives “from above” shape news coverage and how things have changed since the start of Russia’s full-scale war in Ukraine.

In an interview with Andrei Kalitin of Novaya Gazeta, civic activist Grigori Sverdlin discusses the organization he created to help men who want to avoid conscription or mobilization, as well as his own decision to leave Russia.

Political scientist Kirill Titaev examines methods for investigating semi-closed communities, using Russia as an example. He argues that analyzing consumer behaviors, education choices, and employment patterns can uncover the structure of society and people's genuine preferences.

PhD candidate Ella Rossman outlines the new “Family Studies” course in Russian schools, which marks the first successful attempt in the history of post-Soviet Russia to introduce a school subject on the family and traditional values nationwide. Interestingly, the curriculum avoids discussion of sexual life and sexuality.

In an interview, political scientist Andrei Kolesnikov discusses the atomizing and splintering of Russians with democratic views, “silent resistance” and “defense mechanisms” in Russia, and about the prospects for peace in Ukraine.

Journalist Vladimir Ruvinsky points out that despite the growing number of cases of violence by men returning from the war in Ukraine, the problem of post-traumatic stress disorder in Russia receives very little attention. Instead, psychologists are busy developing recommendations for veterans’ wives.

Journalist Yuriy Marin explains why, out of all the charges the Telegram CEO is facing in France, those related to cryptography and cryptocurrencies may be the most serious.

Having conducted hundreds of interviews and ethnographic fieldwork in Russia, sociologists Sasha Kappinen and Svetlana Erpyleva highlight the importance of moral considerations in the arguments of not only staunchly antiwar Russians but also their apolitical compatriots who seek to come to terms with the war.

Historian Sergey Chernyshov talks about a new phenomenon in education in Russia: backed by oligarch money, Russian schools are ditching Western models and going back to Soviet and even prerevolutionary ones.

Political analyst Andrei Kolesnikov looks at public sentiment in Russia two and a half years since the start of the Russia-Ukraine conflict and why attitudes toward the government remain unchanged despite the Ukrainian penetration into Kursk Region or the threat of drones attacking Russian cities.

The latest Levada Center monthly surveys, conducted weeks after the Ukrainian army attacked Kursk Region, have recorded rising anxiety, though it is currently at much lower levels than during the partial mobilization in the autumn of 2022. Perhaps a more alarming sign for the authorities, as Levada Center Director Denis Volkov points out, is deteriorating assessments of the economy.

Analyzing the reaction of ordinary Russians to the loss of several districts in Kursk Region, journalist Sergei Shelin argues that the Ukrainian incursion has not had a significant impact on Russian attitudes toward the Putin regime or the war.

Based on Levada Center surveys and focus groups over the years, sociologist Denis Volkov looks at how Russian society reacted to various crises since the 1990s and how this helps to explain the calm and even optimistic mood among Russians amid the special military operation.

Based on interviews with Russian emigrants living precarious lives, a team of anthropologists looks at the challenges they face and how they are coping with them, including building new communities driven by the spirit of self-help and empathy.

Based on sociological research that ExtremeScan conducted in the border region of Belgorod starting in March 2023, sociologist Elena Koneva shares her thoughts about how the Ukrainian incursion into neighboring Kursk Region will affect locals. As a July 2024 survey shows, most Belgorod residents have felt the reality of living next to the frontline.

Sociologists Vladimir Zvonovsky and Alexander Khodykin discuss how the Russia-Ukraine conflict has affected the financial situation of Russians – who has won and who has lost, who is saving and who is racking up debt.

Political scientist Andrei Kolesnikov explores the various methods of indoctrination being used by the Kremlin at Russian schools and universities, as well as its attempts to impose ideological restrictions on book publishing and lending.

Political scientist Mariya Omelicheva looks at the Russian government’s digital attacks on Russian dissidents, which are aimed at discouraging them from speaking out against Russia’s war in Ukraine and the Putin regime and limiting their ability to influence dissenting voices at home.

Dmitri, a resident of Shebekino, Belgorod Region – a small town right next to the border with Ukraine that has been under constant shelling since the start of the war – gave an interview about life there.

Based on years of public opinion surveys, sociologist and Levada Center Director Denis Volkov explores media consumption patterns in Russia, pointing out that online sources of information have not diminished the influence of television and are now being developed by the state, too.

Editor-in-Chief of Mediazona, a publication that writes about repression, talks about the radical changes in the Putin regime and what he sees as the purpose of his work.

Lawyer Anastasia Burakova talks about some of the obstacles, particularly when crossing borders, faced by Russian citizens fleeing their country due to the war in Ukraine and trying to find refuge in other countries.

Based on several series of surveys between February 2022 and April 2024 and focus groups in four Russian cities, sociologist Elena Koneva writes about how Russians imagine the future of their country amid the ongoing war.

Journalist Anna Nemzer and historian Ilya Venyavkin, who are creating an archive of Russian independent media to help rethink the country’s post-Soviet history, discuss how Russian society allowed a dictatorship to emerge and failed to see the impending war.

Historian Rustam Alexander looks at about morality-mongering initiatives launched by Kremlin loyalists and compares them with Soviet practices.

Journalist Sergei Shelin objects to experts’ proposal for a new approach by the EU toward Russian emigrants. In his view, it exaggerates the importance of Russia and Russians in European minds.

In an interview, sociologist Lev Gudkov talks about fear as the usual state of Russian society, how this affects perceptions of the war in Ukraine and what might shift public sentiment.

Journalist Yuriy Marin discusses the Russian state’s long-time struggle against Wikipedia, where recently the Kremlin has had some success. Still, the complete shutdown of the Russian Wikipedia is unlikely.

Political scientists Bryce Hecht and Graeme Robertson, and sociologist Sam Greene offer a new interpretation of Russians’ attitude to the war. While they don’t disagree that Russians generally support the war, they suggest that researchers would be better off asking a different question: Do Russians care?

Sociologist Anna Kuleshova writes about how, as the war drags on, Russians who initially were against it but stayed in Russia are gradually changing their views.

Data journalist and sociologist Arnold Khachaturov discusses methods for getting reliable information out of Russia in the current conditions where the state systematically conceals and distorts data.

Cultural historian and literary critic Ilya Kukulin analyzes the passionate debate on social media in May, mostly among Russian emigrants and dissidents, about how the early post-Soviet period influenced contemporary Russian politics. He points out the blind spots in the discussion and the importance of the idea of a “meaningful life.”

Historian and literary scholar Ilya Kalinin analyzes the most resonant Russian satirical TV series of recent years about corruption. He finds that they are not a threat to the authorities but actually serve to support the status quo.

Journalist Sergei Shelin believes that the ability of the Kremlin, with the war in Ukraine dragging on, to maintain a sense of “normality” in society is inevitably waning and predicts a decline in the standard of living among nonmilitary groups of the population, as well as an increase in the financial burden on civilian sectors of the economy.

Journalist Sergei Shelin offers his explanation of why Russians are more positive than before the war and confident about the future, despite the ongoing fighting and hardening Western sanctions. He warns that this perceived “era of prosperity” is fragile.

Political scientist Gabriel Porc looks at how the tenth anniversary of Crimea’s annexation was celebrated. He explains how the exhibitions and concerts put on for the occasion were a way to stage Russian power, both at home and abroad, and why they had much more to do with politics than culture.

In this essay, journalist Leonid Ragozin argues that calls for “decolonizing” Russia play into the hands of the Kremlin’s anti-Western propaganda by evoking the fear of civil war – the same fear that makes Russians tacitly support Putin’s aggression in Ukraine.

Demographer Sergei Zakharov discusses Russia’s efforts encouraging people to have more children and, based on contemporary demographic theories, explains why they will not bear fruit.

Journalist Tatiana Rybakova looks at the situation for the Russian emigration in Serbia, where the memory of the 1999 NATO bombing has not faded, the separation of Kosovo is not recognized and love for Russia, Russians and Putin is the norm.

Based on pre-election polls and focus groups, Levada Center head Denis Volkov writes that, despite the completely predetermined election result, the Kremlin has managed to summon a loyal electorate. But will the near future be as uneventful as the presidential campaign has been?

Based on data, Levada Center sociologist Alexei Levinson looks for an answer to the question of why the Russian people have so readily accepted a future promising conflict and confrontation.

In an interview, Marlene Laruelle explains how Russia's ideological construction has evolved from liberal conservatism to radical conservatism and how the regime has worked to splice otherwise eclectic doctrines and give them an inner coherence. She emphasizes that this political project has an appeal beyond Russia.

Levada Center head Denis Volkov writes that since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, most Russians have come to terms with the possibility of a long war, while at the same time the outlook of the loyal majority and the dissenting minority is increasingly diverging.

In an interview, historian and blogger Alexandr Shtefanov shares his thoughts about the impact of Navalny’s death on Russian politics, the similarities and differences between Russia’s war in Ukraine and the Soviet-Afghan War, and the consequences of the war for Russian society.

Attempting to find philosophical and ideological support for the paradigm of Putin's era, the Kremlin turned to the works of Mikhail Prishvin, better known in Russia as a "bard of nature" for his naturalist writings. Boris Knorre insists that the attempt to fit Prishvin's works into the narrow framework of anti-liberalism is unjustified, as it contradicts the breadth of his ideas.

Political scientist Richard Arnold writes about the current institutionalization of the Russian Cossacks, who fulfil military, educational and cultural tasks for the Kremlin.

In an interview, political analyst Fedor Krasheninnikov warns against expectations that war fatigue or public discontent might drain the Kremlin’s resolve to prosecute the war. He also notes that though Russian émigres may generate new ideas about Russia’s future, that will be determined inside Russia.

Publisher Vladimir Kharitonov discusses the growing popularity among Russian youth of books translated from Japanese and Chinese. Yet this was not the result of the Kremlin’s turn away from the West, but rather part of a global trend. Now, the fashion for “Eastern” genres is worrying the Russian authorities.

In this essay, journalist Leonid Ragozin argues that calls for “decolonizing” Russia play into the hands of the Kremlin’s anti-Western propaganda by evoking the fear of civil war – the same fear that makes Russians tacitly support Putin’s aggression in Ukraine.

Based on interviews with Russians who are against the current regime and war in Ukraine, sociologist Anna Kuleshova says that the expectations for an end to the conflict that had circulated at end-2022 were replaced in 2023 by fear of what the future might bring.

Journalist Tatiana Rybakova looks at why transport and utility accidents are becoming more frequent in Russia. Is a recent cold wave to blame? Or did the cold only expose underlying problems?

Levada Center Director Denis Volkov explains why, according to surveys, 2023 was a noticeably better year for Russians than 2022. Still, that does not mean unanimous support for every government decision, be it a ban on abortion or another wave of mobilization. Meanwhile, the share of advocates for peace negotiations is constantly growing.

Ksenia Luchenko speaks with Ekaterina Gorbunova, Editor-in-Chief of the small independent source Lawyer Street (Advokatskaya Ulitsa), within the framework of a Colta.ru project Journalism: An Overhaul (Журналистика: Ревизия) The first conversation took place in August, when the media company was still operational. The second occurred at the end of September, when Lawyer Street was forced to cease its activities.

Danielle N. Lussier responds to the broad skepticism regarding public opinion surveys in wartime Russia. She argues that scholarly findings from both Russia and other non-democratic contexts suggest that well-designed polls in Russia should not be dismissed at face value, but merit closer scrutiny.

Based on her continued survey of Russians who chose to leave Russia following the large-scale invasion of Ukraine, sociologist Liubov Borusyak writes about how life in new countries is affecting their lives and personalities.

Yelizaveta Osetinskaya speaks about her news outlets The Bell and This Is Osetinskaya (Eto Osetinskaya), the problems of Russian media in Russia and in exile, and about how Russian big business could save journalism — if it wanted.

Journalist Tatiana Rybakova writes about how and why Russians in emigration decide whether to stay abroad or go back home.

Researcher Matthew Blackburn writes about the bravery and professional commitment of exiled Russian journalists, but also points out the ethical questions about “journalism in exile,” as well as the hypocrisy of the West’s treatment of anti-war Russians.

Based on his observations of the Russian-language debate about the Middle East conflict Leonid Ragozin concludes that it says more about Russian opposition and the future of Russia than about the conflict per se.

Based on data from a new survey, sociologist Vladimir Zvonovsky writes about how Russians’ understanding of their country’s borders has changed and what influences their views on whether a particular territory belongs to Russia.

Having conducted her third survey of anti-war Russians who stayed in the country, sociologist Lyubov Borusyak notes feelings of marginalization, depression and helplessness, as well as disappointment in Western policies. Importantly, these people are now gradually adapting to the new reality, a trend that, in her view, will continue.

Based on years of public opinion surveys, Levada Center sociologist Lev Gudkov discusses what problems in the country most worry Russians and how they have changed throughout the post-Soviet period.

Based on their research, sociologists Anna Kuleshova and Maria Volkova discuss the experiences and adaptation mechanisms of Russians who fled the country due to the war, as well as the changes that took place in their host countries amid the huge influx of Russian emigrants.

Having carefully followed the Telegram channels of supporters of Russia’s war in Ukraine, writer Ivan Filippov discusses the diversity of views in this segment of Russian society, as well as how these people feel about the Kremlin and whether they can become a political force.

Journalist Tatiana Rybakova spoke with Russians who did not want to emigrate but were forced by circumstances to leave, as well as those who wanted to leave but had no other choice but to stay.

Journalist Yuriy Marin tells the story of how Russia’s biggest and most successful IT company came to be controlled by state-appointed managers and emerged as a pillar of Vladimir Putin’s regime.

Russian journalist Kirill Nabutov talks about his work on television, compares censorship in the Soviet era and today and discusses politics in sports, in particular the current situation for Russian athletes and the suspension of the Russian Olympic Committee from the IOC.

Legal scholar Maxim Krupskiy writes about how the recent arrest of Alexei Navalny’s lawyers, together with new legislative initiatives aimed at attorneys-at-law, marks the final days of the independence of the Bar in Russia.

In an interview, Oleg Kashin discusses what problems Russian "journalism in exile" is facing, how journalists who have left the country are also spreading propaganda and why he calls himself a Russian nationalist.

Ecclesiologist Cyril Hovorun outlines the differences within the Russian clergy over Russia’s war in Ukraine and explains what might be behind recent reshuffles in the Russian Orthodox Church.

Jeremy Morris cautions against unfounded and oversimplified conclusions about the Russian people’s thinking about the war in Ukraine and suggests that, despite demands for social consolidation, strong centrifugal tendencies are afoot.

Russia.Post is launching a new section: we invited followers on our social media pages to submit questions for popular RP contributors. In September, Andrei Kolesnikov, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Russia and Eurasia Center in Berlin,  answers Questions From Russia.Post Readers.

Valery Fedorov, the head of Russia’s state polling agency, talks about what sociology can tell us about the difference between “warring Russia” and “metropolitan Russia,” how Russians envision the future and how people are dealing with anxiety.

Ilya Budraitskis writes that in Putin’s Russia, the mass media has completely gone from being a function of society to a form of power over it. In alliance with the authoritarian regime, it has made the country a real “society of the spectacle,” the totality of which would horrify even the most radical critics of Western capitalism.

Lilia Yapparova talks about her reporting from Ukraine in the first months of the war, about the difficulties of being a journalist in exile, about whether journalism is compatible with activism and about the hazy future.

Anastasia Burakova speaks about how lawyers and human rights activists are helping Russian refugees abroad, and whether there is hope for the unification of democratic forces in Russia.

Tikhon Dzyadko, editor-in-chief of Dozhd TV, talks about the challenges of working from abroad, explains why Dozhd remains a Russian channel, and claims that journalistic objectivity is a myth that was completely destroyed after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Sergei Shelin writes that the third of Russians who accepted the invasion of Ukraine as their own war have long been illiberal critics of the Putin regime and previously expressed feelings of support for such figures as Vladimir Zhirinovsky and Yevgeny Prigozhin.

Levada Center Director Denis Volkov looks at the unrest in Dagestan and neighboring regions sparked by the latest episode in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Volkov attributes it mostly to the dismal socio-economic situation in the North Caucasus.

Mie Nakachi looks at how the war against Ukraine has affected the Russian government’s abortion policy and recalls Soviet initiatives in reproductive policy, which repeatedly failed to achieve the desired goals.

Mikhail Klimarev talks about how the state blocks the Internet in Russia, how Russian software developers and Chinese telecom tech giant Huawei are involved in this, and what might happen to Google in Russia.

Andrei Kolesnikov writes about the ideological foundation of the Putin regime, the most important part of which is the destruction of the memory of the Soviet regime’s crimes and the transformation of Stalin into a positive figure.

Alexei Makarkin explains how the Soviet experience continues to define older Russians’ perception of the Great Patriotic War, the Russian state, the West and education, and what it tells us about the nuances of the generational gap in today’s Russia.

Yevgeny Prigozhin is reported dead, killed in a suspicious plane crash exactly two months after his ‘march on Moscow’. Vladimir Zvonovsky writes about what Russian people thought about him after his ‘mutiny’.

Oleg Kashin writes that a new Russian school history textbook, which includes the time of Putin’s rule, is designed to make him an impeccable national hero. Over the past century, all the leaders of Russia and the Soviet Union have been discredited, and now the same fate awaits Putin, according to Kashin.

Rustam Alexander writes about the evolution of state policy toward gay people over the last century in Russia, which has gone from freedom in the early Soviet period to criminalization under Stalin and back to relative freedom in 1993 before a renewed crackdown in the past decade.

Elena Koneva discusses how attitudes toward the war are changing in Russia’s regions that border Ukraine and in the rest of the country, and how the war is affecting the work of sociologists.

Yevgenia Volunkova, the chief editor of Takie Dela, talks about how much harder it has become for charitable NGOs to operate in wartime Russia and how her media outlet still manages to help them, as well as Russian people in need.

Kollek and Rasputin respond to new transphobic legislation about to come into effect in Russia. Transgender people are the latest target of the Kremlin’s campaign to protect “traditional Russian values” from the “immoral West”, which began over a decade ago as a way of shoring up the regime’s political legitimacy. However, there are clear ties between the “traditional values” agenda and Western conservative ideology.

Sergey Zenkin describes the moral situation of Russia’s anti-war community – both inside and outside the country – and offers “hostages” of the war a number of ways they too can resist peacefully.

Svetlana Gannushkina talks about how Russian volunteers are helping Ukrainians who ended up in Russia, about the way Ukrainian refugees are treated by the Russian government and the government’s overall refugee policy.

Based on end-of-June survey and focus group discussions, Denis Volkov writes that the prevailing opinion among Russians is that Prigozhin’s “march on Moscow” has not weakened the authority of the central government and some believe it has even strengthened it.

Drawing on extensive interviews with Russian individuals, Sasha Kappinen and Oleg Zhuravlev demonstrate how depoliticized Russian citizens grapple with the ethical implications and gradually recognize the necessity of accepting the harsh reality of war.

Maxim Krupskiy writes about the findings relating to the recent attack on attorney Alexander Nemov and Novaya Gazeta journalist Yelena Milashina in Chechnya and the challenges human rights defenders face in Russia today.

Kseniya Kirillova writes about Russian propaganda’s effectiveness at generating passive support for the “special military operation.” As a result, the war has become a familiar backdrop to everyday life, though the patriotic upsurge counted on by the Kremlin has failed to emerge.

Based on regular surveys and focus group discussions, Denis Volkov writes that events in May - including the successes of the Wagner group and Ukraine’s attacks on Russian territory - convinced people that the war in Ukraine should be continued.

Vladimir Zvonovsky writes about the implications of Russians’ readiness to fight, in word and in deed, and about their attitudes toward fellow citizens who are trying to avoid being sent to Ukraine.

Vadim Grishin writes that Russia’s better than expected economic performance over the past year is misleading and describes the grave challenges that lie ahead and the Kremlin’s limited options.

Oksana Matievskaya writes that new plaques have kept going up on the walls of houses in Russia featuring the names of those who were shot during Stalin’s dictatorship. There are even guided tours with stories about the victims.

Levada Center Director Denis Volkov points out that the majority of Russians are concerned about an expected Ukrainian counter-offensive and are in favor of moving to peace talks – though without concessions to Ukraine – and talks about what the Kremlin is doing to maintain stability across society.

Vlada Baranova writes that the need for labor migrants is growing due to inevitable population decline and outlines the contradictions within Russia’s migration policy.

Artemy Magun goes back to the origins of contemporary Russia and argues that the foundation of the current ideological consensus on conservative values was laid during the 1980s and 1990s: the very liberalism of the late-Soviet educated class was marked by conservatism.

Tatyana Rybakova writes that the consumer lending market is now mostly mortgages, but that is set to change, with short-term and insane-rate loans for the poor on the rise. Even Putin’s ex-wife is in the microfinance business.

Maria Eismont speaks about her work as a lawyer defending political prisoners. Since getting an acquittal is impossible, she sees her mission as improving her clients’ lives somehow, just coming to them, sending greetings from their friends, and chatting with them.

Mariya Omelicheva argues that the Kremlin’s inculcation of militaristic patriotism has had a strong effect on Russian society, though the Soviet legacy of cynicism and “double-think” is actually working to mitigate it.

Sergei Shelin writes about the current consensus at the bottom and top of Russian society: the majority tries to live their usual lives, while the regime encourages them to do so and attempts not to make the war total.

Yuriy Marin writes that Russian sport federations and athletes have been left to deal with the country’s isolation by themselves, with some federations turning toward Asia to find a place to compete.

Ivan Fomin draws attention to the fact that the Russian public cannot be mobilized for the war with ideology alone, forcing Putin’s regime to turn to economic incentives and promises about people’s welfare to recruit soldiers for its war.

Maxim Blant writes that the government is expanding the categories of people who receive state support while reporting a falling poverty level. However, amid the war, this policy is fraught with serious economic risks.

Maxime Audinet explains how RT and Sputnik, while facing restrictions and closure in Europe after Russia's invasion of Ukraine, are looking for new opportunities in the Global South.

Lev Gudkov writes about how the Russian “Great Power” discourse differs from the post-imperial experiences of other former empires and how Russians’ perception of themselves as subjects of a Great Power affects their attitude toward the war in Ukraine.

Tatyana Rybakova explains the essence of the dispute over mortgage lending between the Ministry of Construction and the Central Bank, as well as the influence of the largest developers.

Oleg Kashin attributes Russians’ acquiescence to the war to the omnipotence of the state, a legacy of Soviet totalitarianism. The future of Russia will depend on whether its next leaders are willing and capable of dismantling the system by which citizens are totally dependent on the state.

Denis Volkov writes that the perception of the war in Ukraine as a conflict between Russia and the West has led to a consolidation within Russian society. Still, support for the leadership and army is not monolithic, while at the same time polarization, as well as pressure on dissenters, is intensifying.

Boris Knorre writes about the Russian Orthodox Church’s view of the environmental agenda. He explains that the clergy and believers are more likely to denounce Western politics and globalism than focusing on the problems of conservation.

Maxim Blant writes that the catastrophic consequences for Russia’s demographics brought on by the war leave the government no choice but to dismantle the pension system. The current pensions are set to be replaced by a social allowance for old age linked to the subsistence level.

Marlene Laruelle explores Russian public opinion on the issue of state ideology and delves into the “national-conservative” values and beliefs that seem to unite a majority of Russians.

Mack Tubridy writes about the latest strike by Yandex gig workers, who demand better pay and improved working conditions. The leader of the organizing Courier trade union was arrested in April of last year for violating draconian protest laws.

Margarita Zavadskaya and her coauthors conducted a survey of new Russian emigrants, exploring the civic and political initiatives they are engaged in, their ties and attachment to Russia, and their vision of its future.

Denis Volkov on how Russians have adapted to wartime. Staying out of politics, withdrawing into private life, focusing on everyday problems, communicating with loved ones – these are the key strategies common people have used to keep their distance from the conflict.

Darya Dergacheva discusses how the Russian government is seeking to ensure technological independence in the IT sphere. Even if it is trying to isolate Russians from the global Internet, it is not likely to succeed.

An interview with Natalya Zubarevich in which she explains why the decline of Russian economy has turned out smaller than expected, why unemployment has not risen, and who the state is supporting and who it has left on their own.

Alexei Makarkin writes about features of the Soviet perception that still persist among older generations of Russians and how they help us understand attitudes toward the conflict in today's Russia.

Liubov Borusyak conducted a follow-up study of Russians who are against the war and have remained in Russia to see what they think about people who left and their life in forced exile, as well as their own fate and the outlook for Russia.

Mikhail Vinogradov writes about the state of Russian society against the backdrop of the extraordinary events of recent months. How have they affected the tendency of Russians to build individual strategies while ignoring radical changes taking place around them?

Andrei Kolesnikov writes about a spontaneous association of mothers and wives of mobilized men in Russia. Are they just petitioners demanding that the state not treat their loved ones like cannon fodder? Or are we witnessing the birth of an anti-war protest in Russian society?

Farida Kurbangaleeva spoke with Aleksey Raksha about the state’s population policy and the "demographic collapse" that awaits Russia following the mobilization announced by Putin and the flow of many young people out of the country.

Mack Tubridy discusses the impacts of the war and mobilization on Russian schools with Novosibirsk municipal deputy Helga Pirogova, who co-chairs the independent teachers’ union Alyans Uchitelej.

Karine Clément explains why there is no broad-based resistance to the war in Russia. Based on her years researching Russian perceptions, she claims that the most widespread view on the war among the working classes is cold skepticism and distrust.

Vasily Burov writes about the Russians who fled from the war and mobilization to Kazakhstan. How many can the country take in and what is the outlook for them? To what extent are the Kazakh authorities interested in attracting skilled labor from Russia?

Vladimir Zvonovsky on how Russians’ perceived economic situation has evolved during the military conflict in Ukraine and which factors influence their perceptions.

Mack Tubridy talks with civic activist Grigori Sverdlin about how his new project helps Russians dodge the mobilization and how civil resistance against the Kremlin can take on forms other than street protests.

A prolonged war with large-scale mobilization is unprecedented for both the post-Soviet period and late Soviet decades, Andrei Kolesnikov writes. Could the ongoing shock turn into dissatisfaction with the political regime itself?

What makes the Kremlin's propaganda effective? Anton Shirikov discusses why the message of state media is often convincing, as well as when propagandists fail to appeal to the public.

In an interview with The Bell Vladimir Gimpelson analyzes the consequences of the mobilization for the Russian economy, emphasizing the long-term losses in human capital among those who fight and those who don’t. Some lose skills, while others don’t reproduce them or invest in new ones.

Aleksei Medved tells how Russians fled to Georgia to dodge the mobilization, describing the days-long lines, chaos, extortion by officials and help from volunteers.

Caroline Humphrey writes about Buryats escaping the draft by heading for Mongolia, as well as previous flights of Buryats out of Russia and the Buryat cultural practice of mutual assistance through broad kinship networks.

Andrei Kolesnikov analyzes changes in public sentiment in response to Putin’s decree on mobilization. The slide in Putin’s approval ratings, combined with a jump in anxiety reported by Russians, gives reason to ponder what resources the Putin regime has to survive.

Free Buryatia is an antiwar foundation created by Buryats outside Russia. Anna Zueva spoke with Alexandra Garmazhapova, the foundation’s president, about its work and how and why the attitude of the people of Buryatia toward the military operation in Ukraine is changing.

Before the mobilization announcement, most Russians lived as if nothing special was going on in Ukraine. Alexei Levinson, the head of sociocultural research at the Levada Center, speaks about whether mobilization will weigh on Russians’ support for the war and what it will mean to include society in the war effort.

Based on their study of war-related public petition signatories in Russia, Guillaume Sauvé and Maxime Duchâteau conclude that the perception of the war in Ukraine is much more nuanced than a simple dichotomy of supporters and opponents.

Adam Lenton looks at three emerging aspects of the public resistance to the mobilization recently announced by Vladimir Putin: Dagestan as the center of protest activity, the role of women and the mood among the elites.

Using survey data collected in the Samara region, sociologist Vladimir Zvonovsky examines Russians’ views on the impacts of western sanctions and whether they believe the economy can become more self-sufficient.

Contrary to popular belief about widespread support for the “special military operation,” writes Rimma Polyak, protests happen daily in Russia and people continue to speak out against the war on social media. In response, the Russian regime dials up the persecution of dissidents, though it still can’t completely crush the protest movement.

Sergei Chapnin writes about the position of the ROCOR in union with the ROC and about the problems that will have to be resolved by whoever becomes the former’s new leader: will the ROCOR be able to defend its autonomy or will it be fully integrated into the ROC? Will it be able to preserve the heritage of Russian emigration?

Having analyzed the Kremlin’s intensified attempts to inculcate patriotism in younger Russians, Ivan Fomin outlines the limitations of Putin’s ideology, which draws on “rally-around-the-flag” sentiment but is unable to offer any big dream in exchange for the endurance it demands.

The war with Ukraine looked set to be a big shock for the labor market and the economy as a whole, but so far we haven’t seen drastic changes. We talked about the outlook for the labor market with Vladimir Gimpelson, the director of the Center for Labor Market Studies at the Higher School of Economics.

Mikhail Suslov writes about the powerful isolationist trend gaining momentum in today’s Russia. The problem, however, is that while it cuts ties with the West, Russia lacks a language for communicating with the rest of the world and is thus bound to wind up talking to itself.

Paul Robinson argues that if Russian liberalism is to come back to life it will have to find a way to adapt to a new global context in which talk of a “return to Western civilization” has become largely redundant. Part III of a three-part series. Part I is here, Part II is here.

Anna Zueva covers the dangerous environmental situation in the city of Zakamensk on the border between Russia and Mongolia. Twenty-five years after the city-forming enterprise to extract tungsten and molybdenum was closed, 45 mln tons of waste still lie in the city.

After Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, many independent media outlets relocated abroad en masse. Facing the threat of fines and arrests, hundreds of journalists left the country. Olga Dovbysh and Elena Rodina asked journalists what they think about their future in exile.

One reason for the dramatic decline in the representation of liberals in the national legislature is state propaganda blackening their reputation. Paul Robinson explains why that propaganda resonates so strongly in Russian minds. This is the second of a three-part series.

Konstantin Gaaze reflects upon the question of how the intelligentsia can remain a social force, having abandoned the idea of exclusively or predominantly intellectual resistance to state power. Is it possible in Russia? And in exile?

The Kremlin is anxious to bring the Runet under tight control and isolate it from the global internet. But Kevin Limonier warns that such attempts face multiple difficulties and might radically disrupt the Runet’s operation.

Paul Robinson writes about the history and social connotations of the notion of liberalism in Russia. Liberalism has always had a narrow social base and has gravitated toward Westernism. Part I of a three-part series.

We spoke to a family from Mariupol trying to rebuild their lives in a former Soviet republic. They told Russia.Post what life was like in a basement, how the Drama Theater was destroyed, about the Azov Battalion and human shields, and why their position is “neutrality.”

Alexander Golts explains why the “special economic measures” introduced by the government do not amount to a mobilization economy. Structural militarization on the Soviet model, he points out, is in principle unthinkable under market conditions.

Russian nationalist organizations generally supported the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Some, though not many, joined the military campaign, while others took part in passionate discussions, often critical of the government’s actions. By the end of spring, Vera Alperovich writes, far-right organizations began to lose interest

Almost one third of Russian men tell pollsters that they’re ready to be mobilized. Their responses, as Vladimir Zvonovsky shows, vary depending on factors like age, where they get their news and what they know about the “operation.”

In the melodramatic narrative of Brother 2, writes Mark Lipovetsky, a cold-blooded killer embodies “Russian truth” - the belief in the superiority of “us” over “them" and the contempt for human life if that life isn’t connected with Russia

Human rights activists working in Ukraine and Russia share with Farida Kurbangaleeva their concerns about the new risks of human trafficking. Ukrainian women and children who flee the war zone are targets for sex trafficking.

Fontanka reporter Ksenia Klochkova was hired and worked a day for the cybertroops who write comments on social media to create a “patriotic backdrop”.

Andrei Loshak’s latest documentary on how the war is dividing Russian families and how propaganda has proven stronger than family ties

Putin's dictatorship has designed and built an almost perfect machine for destroying independent journalism in Russia, but Sergey Parkhomenko searches for and finds those whom Russian authorities can’t stop.

Victor Shnirelman explains the popularity of the civilizational discourse among the Russian military, security and clergy as a response to globalization, which threatens their political sovereignty.

DOXA delved into the intricacies of Russian historical policy and spoke with SHANINKA professor, political philosopher Ilya Budraitskis about rethinking the Soviet experience, returning to the ideas of internationalism, and the correctness of comparing modern Russia with Nazi Germany.

The Russian government says that the goal of the current war is the “denazification” of Ukraine. Farida Kurbangaleeva believes that Moscow has carried out a “denazification” before – in relation to the "non-Russian" peoples living on its territory.

Svetlana Gannushkina, head of Civic Assistance Committee (Гражданское содействие), a charity focused on helping refugees and migrants, was interviewed for the Meduza podcast What Happened (Что случилось?). She discussed the fate of Ukrainian refugees who found themselves in Russia after the invasion. With the kind permission of Meduza, we are publishing a translation of fragments from the conversation.

Ilya Kukulin looks at the teachings of Soviet thinker Georgy Shchedrovitsky and explains their post-Soviet transformation into a belief that, in the organization of a community, values are an instrumental and secondary matter.

Daria Dergacheva is tracing the history of Yandex, Russia’s search engine that evolved into one of the world’s best digital ecosystems. Its policy of accommodating the Kremlin’s political interests has eventually come at the cost of its disintegration.

Sergey Chapnin on the post-Soviet evolution of the Russian Orthodox Church: what the “church revival” that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union really meant and how Patriarch Kirill chained himself to the Putin regime and lost Ukraine.

llya Budraitskis explains how the Kremlin understands “de-Nazification” and how this interpretation is driving the war in Ukraine. In the Kremlin’s terms, the difference between Nazi and non-Nazi comes down to alien versus your own

Ekaterina Khodzhaeva on how Russian lawyers are working in an environment where law enforcement is becoming increasingly oppressive and opportunities for appeal to international courts are narrowing.

A recent survey showing 55% for the war and 29% against it reveals the major demographic trends, with civil servants and pensioners the most supportive groups and young people, scientists and culture workers the most opposed.

Sergey Zenkin explains the current moral and political isolation of Russia as a new rise of the archaic idea of defilement, and opposes against it an active civic responsibility

Maria Lipman talks to Denis Volkov, director of the Levada Center, about public perception of the "special military operation" 100 days after the Russian invasion began. The broadly shared sense that "everyone is against us" drives Russians to support their government and the ongoing war. But their interest in news from Ukraine shows a tangible decline.

Mikhail Vinogradov explains why public perceptions of the “special military operation” in Russia are more diverse and complicated than approval or disapproval – in fact, many still don’t have a firm view.

After her study on the new Russian exiles, Liubov Borusiak talks to opponents of the war who stayed in Russia. Very few of them believe that they bear a higher degree of guilt and responsibility than those who left.

Famous neurosurgeon Alexei Kashcheev discusses the future of medicine in Russia, as well as the problems Russian doctors are facing amid global sanctions and “cancel culture.”

Dr Dmitry Dubrovskiy is a research fellow at the Center for Independent Social Research (St Petersburg, Russia), formerly an associate professor at the Higher School of Economics (Moscow). He currently works at Charles University, Prague.

Christian Science Monitor Moscow correspondent Fred Weir says grocery prices haven’t risen significantly. It may still be too early for the effect of sanctions to be tangible, but Weir believes that resilience and ingenuity will help Russians circumvent problems as they arise.

Ilya Kolmanovsky on how Ukrainian and Russian scientists differ in their outlooks, the former optimistic and the latter pessimistic about the role they can play for their country in the future.

Maria Lipman talks to Gregory Asmolov, Lecturer, Department of Digital Humanities, King’s College London, on the Russian government’s consistent effort to isolate Russia from the rest of the world and how it has been effective in achieving this goal, much than in meeting its military or foreign policy objectives.

Irina Busygina on why the Russian government has suspended the indexing of Russian scientists’ publications in international databases and what it means for Russian social sciences.

Liubov Borusyak, professor, Free University (Moscow), speaks with Russians who chose to leave their country after the invasion of Ukraine. Who are they, what were their motivations, what do they think about the situation in their home country and what are their plans? How are they different from those who were leaving Russia in previous years?

Caress Schenk on why social sciences’ job is not to predict Putin’s decisions and why it matters to focus on those engaged in the unglamorous work of making sure that glimmers of humanity survive in Russia.

Lev Gudkov, Special Academic Adviser, Levada center, on the conservative shift in Russian society and how the illusions entertained by some in the liberal camp kept them from forming realistic opinions about repressive policies at home and the rising danger of a war with Ukraine.

Aleхander Verkhovsky explains how the Russian ultraright is faring amid the war, how government policy is changing toward them and also what problems the government’s anti-Ukraine propaganda is running into.