Society
‘This is Not Just Charity,
This is Civil Resistance’
October 10, 2024
- Grigori SverdlinCivic activis
- Andrei KalitinJournalist
In an interview with Andrei Kalitin of Novaya Gazeta, civic activist Grigori Sverdlin discusses the organization he created to help men who want to avoid conscription or mobilization, as well as his own decision to leave Russia.
The original conversation in Russian was published in Novaya Gazeta. An amended version is being published here with the editors’ permission.
Among residents of his native St Petersburg, Grigori Sverdlin is associated with Nochlezhka, a charity providing shelter for the homeless, where he started as a volunteer 20 years ago, eventually rising to head the organization in 2011.
In the spring of 2022, after the start of what the Russian government calls a “special military operation” in Ukraine,Sverdlin left Russia. In September of that year, he founded the project Idite Lesom (“take a hike”; Russia.Post spoke with Sverdlin soon after he launched it). Months later, in November 2022, Sverdlin was declared a “foreign agent” by the Russian government and simultaneously put on the federal wanted list.
The original goal of Idite Lesom was to help men wishing to avoid partial mobilization in Russia. Today, along with Sverdlin, more than 100 volunteers, lawyers, psychologists and psychotherapists participate in the project. As of today, it has helped 37,376 people.
We met Sverdlin in September 2024.
Among residents of his native St Petersburg, Grigori Sverdlin is associated with Nochlezhka, a charity providing shelter for the homeless, where he started as a volunteer 20 years ago, eventually rising to head the organization in 2011.
In the spring of 2022, after the start of what the Russian government calls a “special military operation” in Ukraine,Sverdlin left Russia. In September of that year, he founded the project Idite Lesom (“take a hike”; Russia.Post spoke with Sverdlin soon after he launched it). Months later, in November 2022, Sverdlin was declared a “foreign agent” by the Russian government and simultaneously put on the federal wanted list.
The original goal of Idite Lesom was to help men wishing to avoid partial mobilization in Russia. Today, along with Sverdlin, more than 100 volunteers, lawyers, psychologists and psychotherapists participate in the project. As of today, it has helped 37,376 people.
We met Sverdlin in September 2024.
An antiwar protest at the Mariinsky Palace in St Petersburg. February 28, 2022. Source: YouTube
On February 24, 2022, I went out to Nevsky Prospekt [in St Petersburg] for a solitary picket. Riot police were chasing down people all around. I stood there in peace; for some reason they were not interested in me, though I was prepared that they could and should detain me. I had a [pacifist] poster… and I had a down jacket on which an artist friend of mine had written the same two words [“no war” – RP].
I realized that I could not watch everything that was going on quietly, and for several days in a row I went out to Nevsky. And, of course, I expressed my position on social media. Surprisingly, I was never detained on the street, but a few days later, journalist friends told me that the city administration had already compiled a list of so-called “public figures” in St Petersburg who were speaking out too loudly against [the war].
They will come to everyone’s home and shut everyone up. As far as I understand, Beglov (Alexander Beglov, the governor of St Petersburg) simply wanted to curry favor, to show that he had no dissenters in his city. I was told that I had literally 2-3 days.
At that time, I was thinking not so much about my personal safety as about the project – we had more than 100 employees at Nochlezhka then, and behind us were more than 10,000 people whom the organization helped annually.
Nochlezhka is a charity, not a political organization, and my personal position should not harm the project. Still, it was clear that if they detained me, Nochlezhka would also get into trouble.
It was impossible to remain silent and not speak out about what was going on. All I could do was leave.
I said goodbye to my colleagues and parents, got into the car and drove toward the nearest border – with Estonia.
I realized that I could not watch everything that was going on quietly, and for several days in a row I went out to Nevsky. And, of course, I expressed my position on social media. Surprisingly, I was never detained on the street, but a few days later, journalist friends told me that the city administration had already compiled a list of so-called “public figures” in St Petersburg who were speaking out too loudly against [the war].
They will come to everyone’s home and shut everyone up. As far as I understand, Beglov (Alexander Beglov, the governor of St Petersburg) simply wanted to curry favor, to show that he had no dissenters in his city. I was told that I had literally 2-3 days.
At that time, I was thinking not so much about my personal safety as about the project – we had more than 100 employees at Nochlezhka then, and behind us were more than 10,000 people whom the organization helped annually.
Nochlezhka is a charity, not a political organization, and my personal position should not harm the project. Still, it was clear that if they detained me, Nochlezhka would also get into trouble.
It was impossible to remain silent and not speak out about what was going on. All I could do was leave.
I said goodbye to my colleagues and parents, got into the car and drove toward the nearest border – with Estonia.
“When I was approaching the border, I read the news that 80 public figures in the city had had their homes searched. They came in the morning and knocked down their doors.”
Then, I traveled across all of Europe for almost a month to Tbilisi. In the summer of 2022, my parents left St Petersburg.
Two and a half years later [after the start of the special military operation], can you say to yourself that you took to the streets not for nothing? Today in Russia, surveys say, 20% believe that nothing will change if they go out to protest, while another 20% think that they will be jailed for doing so.
Street protests have not been able to change anything for a decade, since at least 2014. I think the last chance was 2011, after the rigged parliamentary election. It was the last breath of fresh air. In February 2022, I went out, in a sense, for myself, because sitting at home was sickening. And then, I have always considered myself not only an object of history but also one who makes it. Even a tiny part of it. I went out so that it would not be so sickening to look in the mirror. Like many who still go out, by the way.
Nobody thinks that this will turn things around. But I also understand those who prefer not to protest – from a pragmatic point of view, there will be no result. But pragmatism is not everything.
I left and lived in Tbilisi. And a few days after mobilization was announced, I launched the project Idite Lesom,which helps Russians who do not want to fight [in Ukraine].
First, I was declared a foreign agent, then I was put on the federal wanted list, with a case opened [against me] for discrediting the army under Criminal Code Article 207, Part 2. Unfortunately, I still do not have the evidence from my criminal case, [as] they did not give it to my lawyer, even when I was charged in absentia.
The lawyer spent five months trying to get the justification for putting me on the federal wanted list. They did not even tell him the article [which I am accused of violating]. To find out, I had to file a case against the investigator and then the court of first instance that had denied me the right to look at the evidence. But when they declared me a “foreign agent,” it was clear that people were sitting there reading my social media. They had collected dozens of my quotes where I “discredited” [the army].
If I had stayed in Russia, I would be in jail already, of course. You cannot tolerate the intolerable.
Two and a half years later [after the start of the special military operation], can you say to yourself that you took to the streets not for nothing? Today in Russia, surveys say, 20% believe that nothing will change if they go out to protest, while another 20% think that they will be jailed for doing so.
Street protests have not been able to change anything for a decade, since at least 2014. I think the last chance was 2011, after the rigged parliamentary election. It was the last breath of fresh air. In February 2022, I went out, in a sense, for myself, because sitting at home was sickening. And then, I have always considered myself not only an object of history but also one who makes it. Even a tiny part of it. I went out so that it would not be so sickening to look in the mirror. Like many who still go out, by the way.
Nobody thinks that this will turn things around. But I also understand those who prefer not to protest – from a pragmatic point of view, there will be no result. But pragmatism is not everything.
I left and lived in Tbilisi. And a few days after mobilization was announced, I launched the project Idite Lesom,which helps Russians who do not want to fight [in Ukraine].
First, I was declared a foreign agent, then I was put on the federal wanted list, with a case opened [against me] for discrediting the army under Criminal Code Article 207, Part 2. Unfortunately, I still do not have the evidence from my criminal case, [as] they did not give it to my lawyer, even when I was charged in absentia.
The lawyer spent five months trying to get the justification for putting me on the federal wanted list. They did not even tell him the article [which I am accused of violating]. To find out, I had to file a case against the investigator and then the court of first instance that had denied me the right to look at the evidence. But when they declared me a “foreign agent,” it was clear that people were sitting there reading my social media. They had collected dozens of my quotes where I “discredited” [the army].
If I had stayed in Russia, I would be in jail already, of course. You cannot tolerate the intolerable.
“Emigration is an open wound – I never wanted to leave.”
Yet it was the right decision. Nochlezhka continues to operate. And my colleagues and I have been working on Idite Lesom for almost two years now. We have consulted more than 3,700 people on how to avoid being drafted, how to arrange deferments and how to reduce the risk of being mobilized or called up. And we have already helped almost a thousand people to get out of the army and leave the country.
Of course, I did not expect this scale. The minimum agenda was: if we help at least one Russian, then it will not have been in vain.
Are you being followed?
I know that there is an active operation related to Idite Lesom. They are blocking our sites, opening cases. But I do not see the point in using encryption to hide my whereabouts. The very thought of it demeans my human dignity. I refuse to be afraid. Let them be afraid of me.
Of course, I did not expect this scale. The minimum agenda was: if we help at least one Russian, then it will not have been in vain.
Are you being followed?
I know that there is an active operation related to Idite Lesom. They are blocking our sites, opening cases. But I do not see the point in using encryption to hide my whereabouts. The very thought of it demeans my human dignity. I refuse to be afraid. Let them be afraid of me.
A Nochlezhka shelter for the homeless in St Petersburg. Source: VK
What has happened to Nochlezhka without you?
Nochlezhka continues to operate in both St Petersburg and Moscow. I have always tried to build a project that does not depend on one leader. I am glad and proud of how it worked out.
Changing leaders is needed not only in government but also in projects. I wanted our project not to be too dependent on a specific leader. Now, Danila Kramorov, whom I once hired, is superbly leading Nochlezhka instead of me.
I think that Nochlezhka will continue to operate as long as the state does not completely shut down all uncontrolled [by the government] charity in the country. Of course, the overall situation is alarming: the Help Needed foundation was recently closed in Russia, while many heads of charities were forced out of the country and many simply had their projects taken away.
Why is the state afraid of private charity?
Charity and authoritarian power cannot live and work together. Any dictatorship is about public interests taking precedence over private ones. On the other hand, charity focuses on the individual. After all, this is what humanism is all about. And protecting the interests of the individual is obviously not a priority for the state today. They do not give a damn about people.
I realized this long ago; there were many eloquent examples. For example, six years ago the St Petersburg vice governor for social policy, Olga Kazanskaya, invited me to “consult” her on how to best help the city’s homeless. I spent an hour and a half telling her about it. Then, she reminded me that the gubernatorial election was around the corner, and Nochlezhka was openly talking about the problem of the homeless and citing official statistics on their mortality rates. All of this was bad for the governor’s image. At the end of the meeting, she told me: “keep quieter, or I will steamroll you.” This is a direct quote. We were not alone; her assistants were present. I was shocked, and that’s how we parted.
They do not care about the homeless. They do not care that they are dying. What they care about it is that no one talks about the homeless. It is not their concern how to make sure that the homeless do not die in the snow and in the city’s back alleys. They want to sweep the problem under the rug. And at the same time “steamroll” those who voice such problems and try to solve them.
In this sense, “Putin’s Russia” has not invented anything new. After all, serfdom was abolished only 160 years ago, after which the Soviet government systematically and intentionally destroyed [people’s] sense of self-worth and habit of thinking independently. This was bound to leave a mark.
Nochlezhka continues to operate in both St Petersburg and Moscow. I have always tried to build a project that does not depend on one leader. I am glad and proud of how it worked out.
Changing leaders is needed not only in government but also in projects. I wanted our project not to be too dependent on a specific leader. Now, Danila Kramorov, whom I once hired, is superbly leading Nochlezhka instead of me.
I think that Nochlezhka will continue to operate as long as the state does not completely shut down all uncontrolled [by the government] charity in the country. Of course, the overall situation is alarming: the Help Needed foundation was recently closed in Russia, while many heads of charities were forced out of the country and many simply had their projects taken away.
Why is the state afraid of private charity?
Charity and authoritarian power cannot live and work together. Any dictatorship is about public interests taking precedence over private ones. On the other hand, charity focuses on the individual. After all, this is what humanism is all about. And protecting the interests of the individual is obviously not a priority for the state today. They do not give a damn about people.
I realized this long ago; there were many eloquent examples. For example, six years ago the St Petersburg vice governor for social policy, Olga Kazanskaya, invited me to “consult” her on how to best help the city’s homeless. I spent an hour and a half telling her about it. Then, she reminded me that the gubernatorial election was around the corner, and Nochlezhka was openly talking about the problem of the homeless and citing official statistics on their mortality rates. All of this was bad for the governor’s image. At the end of the meeting, she told me: “keep quieter, or I will steamroll you.” This is a direct quote. We were not alone; her assistants were present. I was shocked, and that’s how we parted.
They do not care about the homeless. They do not care that they are dying. What they care about it is that no one talks about the homeless. It is not their concern how to make sure that the homeless do not die in the snow and in the city’s back alleys. They want to sweep the problem under the rug. And at the same time “steamroll” those who voice such problems and try to solve them.
In this sense, “Putin’s Russia” has not invented anything new. After all, serfdom was abolished only 160 years ago, after which the Soviet government systematically and intentionally destroyed [people’s] sense of self-worth and habit of thinking independently. This was bound to leave a mark.
A line of homeless people waiting to get food and shelter at Nochlezhka. Source: VK
Whose “foreign agent” are you; what intelligence agency and country [do you work for]?
I was registered [as a “foreign agent”] in October 2023 and almost immediately, a week later, they put me on the wanted list. They accused me of being under “foreign influence” because I received a fee of RUB 10,000 from the Help Needed foundation for putting on a seminar. And it had allegedly received these donations from citizens of Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
I have often heard from various influential and authoritative people in Moscow: if I speak out, I will let down my business, my project and the people who depend on me...
This is a very important question, about people who say they are doing something. A huge number of people, whose opinions could have been heeded, remained silent when they could and should have spoken out – about the law on foreign agents, for example. Producers, heads of theaters and charitable foundations said that people depended on them.
I do not want to blame anyone; it’s a really tough choice. But the situation that has developed is due in part to their silence. You decide that the people working for you are the most important thing in the world. And then in your name the state does what it wants.
[You say:] my circus and my newspaper are outside of politics. Well, politics is knocking at the door of both your circus and your newspaper. Now, the siloviki are in charge. The whole country is ultimately run by the security services. And fear.
Are the security services not looking into Idite Lesom?
I started the project in the autumn of 2022. I hoped that [the war] would end much sooner; I thought it would be six months to a year. Of course, it would be better if there was no need for such a project at all. But as long as [the war] goes on, we will continue. For me and my colleagues, it is not just charity, it is civil resistance. We must do everything we can to end [the war] quickly.
The scale of our financial support is, of course, smaller than that of Nochlezhka. We have only eight employees and about 150 volunteers. Many thanks to them. These are the people who consult everyone who writes to us on Telegram, as well as psychologists, lawyers, designers and IT specialists. In the very first days, people started writing to me: “I’m ready to help, save my contact information, but delete this message.”
I was registered [as a “foreign agent”] in October 2023 and almost immediately, a week later, they put me on the wanted list. They accused me of being under “foreign influence” because I received a fee of RUB 10,000 from the Help Needed foundation for putting on a seminar. And it had allegedly received these donations from citizens of Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
I have often heard from various influential and authoritative people in Moscow: if I speak out, I will let down my business, my project and the people who depend on me...
This is a very important question, about people who say they are doing something. A huge number of people, whose opinions could have been heeded, remained silent when they could and should have spoken out – about the law on foreign agents, for example. Producers, heads of theaters and charitable foundations said that people depended on them.
I do not want to blame anyone; it’s a really tough choice. But the situation that has developed is due in part to their silence. You decide that the people working for you are the most important thing in the world. And then in your name the state does what it wants.
[You say:] my circus and my newspaper are outside of politics. Well, politics is knocking at the door of both your circus and your newspaper. Now, the siloviki are in charge. The whole country is ultimately run by the security services. And fear.
Are the security services not looking into Idite Lesom?
I started the project in the autumn of 2022. I hoped that [the war] would end much sooner; I thought it would be six months to a year. Of course, it would be better if there was no need for such a project at all. But as long as [the war] goes on, we will continue. For me and my colleagues, it is not just charity, it is civil resistance. We must do everything we can to end [the war] quickly.
The scale of our financial support is, of course, smaller than that of Nochlezhka. We have only eight employees and about 150 volunteers. Many thanks to them. These are the people who consult everyone who writes to us on Telegram, as well as psychologists, lawyers, designers and IT specialists. In the very first days, people started writing to me: “I’m ready to help, save my contact information, but delete this message.”
“That is, people understand the risks they are taking yet are still ready to do something.”
Idite Lesom is still not [considered by the Russian government] an “undesirable organization” or even a “foreign agent.” This means [the authorities] cannot take any action against our donors; they are all safe for now.
But the security services have taken an interest in the project, of course. There were very strange cases when we were asked for help. We started checking them out. We found all the stories sloppily put together with many discrepancies; [they were] fake. We have a highly effective, multi-stage system to verify information. I think that they have tried to infiltrate us more than once. When we asked these strange people to confirm something, they disappeared. But they try, sure.
Has the Ukrainian army’s Kursk offensive changed your view on the project? Should conscripts defend their country?
By law, only conscripts who have served for more than four months and have undergone military training can end up on the front line. But we are increasingly approached by men who were not trained at all... There have also been more frequent cases where conscripts are, to put it mildly, talked into signing a contract.
No, my worldview has not changed. Of course, I sympathize with the Russians who have lost their homes and become refugees. I just want it all to end as soon as possible. And then we will look back and ask questions.
But the security services have taken an interest in the project, of course. There were very strange cases when we were asked for help. We started checking them out. We found all the stories sloppily put together with many discrepancies; [they were] fake. We have a highly effective, multi-stage system to verify information. I think that they have tried to infiltrate us more than once. When we asked these strange people to confirm something, they disappeared. But they try, sure.
Has the Ukrainian army’s Kursk offensive changed your view on the project? Should conscripts defend their country?
By law, only conscripts who have served for more than four months and have undergone military training can end up on the front line. But we are increasingly approached by men who were not trained at all... There have also been more frequent cases where conscripts are, to put it mildly, talked into signing a contract.
No, my worldview has not changed. Of course, I sympathize with the Russians who have lost their homes and become refugees. I just want it all to end as soon as possible. And then we will look back and ask questions.
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