SOCIETY
Why Do Russian Emigrants Vote for Trump?
November 29, 2024
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Daria Dimke
IERES, GWU, associated researcher -
Irina Meyer-Olimpieva
IERES, GWU, research professor
Based on interviews with Russian emigrants to the US from the 1970s through the 1990s, researchers Daria Dimke and Irina Meyer-Olimpieva show how their Soviet experiences impact their political preferences in the US.
What explains the Republican leanings of Russian emigrants? More specifically, why do Russians like Trump? These questions have acquired more importance following Donald Trump’s reelection as US president.
Russian Americans: Not exactly a diaspora
Claiming that Russian Americans consistently vote for Trump would be an oversimplification. To begin with, unlike groups such as Blacks and Hispanics, Russian Americans do not form a cohesive political bloc. They also lack formal representation in the political sphere, despite making up about 1% of the US population.
Moreover, the Russian-speaking community in the US is difficult to define as a diaspora in the strict sense. Unlike communities such as Vietnamese, Polish, Greek, Uzbek and Ukrainian Americans, Russian Americans lack a unifying cultural or national “focal point” to rally around.
Additionally, tenuous or problematic ties with their former homeland further complicate the formation of a Russian diaspora. This fragmented identity makes it challenging to generalize about the political preferences of Russian Americans as a whole, including their stance on Trump.
The Russian-speaking community in the US was shaped not over generations but rather through distinct waves of emigration. Each wave differed in its social composition, as well as in its specific expectations and perceptions of America – what could be called their version of the “American dream.”
Russian Americans: Not exactly a diaspora
Claiming that Russian Americans consistently vote for Trump would be an oversimplification. To begin with, unlike groups such as Blacks and Hispanics, Russian Americans do not form a cohesive political bloc. They also lack formal representation in the political sphere, despite making up about 1% of the US population.
Moreover, the Russian-speaking community in the US is difficult to define as a diaspora in the strict sense. Unlike communities such as Vietnamese, Polish, Greek, Uzbek and Ukrainian Americans, Russian Americans lack a unifying cultural or national “focal point” to rally around.
Additionally, tenuous or problematic ties with their former homeland further complicate the formation of a Russian diaspora. This fragmented identity makes it challenging to generalize about the political preferences of Russian Americans as a whole, including their stance on Trump.
The Russian-speaking community in the US was shaped not over generations but rather through distinct waves of emigration. Each wave differed in its social composition, as well as in its specific expectations and perceptions of America – what could be called their version of the “American dream.”
“Republican preferences are most characteristic of Russian-speaking emigrants from the late-Soviet and early post-Soviet wave (from the late 1970s to the early 1990s), who form the backbone of the modern Russian-speaking community in the US.”
Yet subsequent waves of emigration, along with generational shifts within the community, have significantly diversified the political preferences of Russian-speaking Americans. This was confirmed by our study of the Russian diaspora in the US, conducted from May 2023 to April 2024. Our research revealed a broad spectrum of political views among Russian-speaking Americans, ranging from staunchly conservative to progressive.
Soviet Jewish refusenik demonstration in front of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for the right to emigrate to Israel. Moscow, 1973. Source: Wiki Commons
The study employed in-depth biographical interviews. The 30 interviews lasted over an hour each and featured Russian-speaking emigrants who had arrived in the US at various times, starting from the late 1970s.
In this article, we will explore how and why Republican preferences developed among emigrants of the late-Soviet and early post-Soviet wave, and what draws them to Trump. We will examine this through the lens of the “American dream” – a set of ideas about the US and expectations of emigration that are characteristic of this group.
Features of the late-Soviet and early post-Soviet wave
The wave of emigration from the 1970s to the early 1990s is often referred to as the “Jewish wave,” as it consisted predominantly of Soviet Jews who first gained the opportunity to leave the Soviet Union in the early 1970s, when the Soviet government, under international pressure, relaxed emigration restrictions for Jews. Many more emigrated following the opening of borders in the Gorbachev era.
Two key factors distinguish this wave of emigration from subsequent ones, shaping the political preferences of this core of the Russian-speaking community in the US.
Firstly, these are people who experienced the implicit discrimination practiced in the Soviet Union. Importantly, identification as a “Jew” was not a personal choice but rather a state-imposed label, namely through the ethnicity field in one’s passport, that determined a person’s prospects. Jews faced significant barriers to accessing certain areas of higher education and advancing in their careers. Certain fields, such as diplomatic service and trade, were completely off limits for them.
Here are some quotes from our interviews that highlight how our informants perceive their Soviet past and connection to their homeland.
We saw the Soviet Union as our homeland, but they never saw us as a part of theirs. It was Russians, purely Russian people – it was their country. They never viewed it as mine and I was never seen as equal to them. (Female, 55 years old, emigrated in 1990)
If they found out you wanted to emigrate, you were immediately fired… expelled from the trade unions and Komsomol. You became an outcast. We were already outcasts as Jews in the Soviet Union, and this pushed you completely outside the law. (Female, 57 years old, emigrated in 1992)
Secondly, having grown up in the Soviet Union, these individuals also endured ideological pressure from the state, ranging from the mandatory Marxist-Leninist approach to knowledge and education to the imposed ideological norms in behavior and rhetoric.
State control was not limited to ideology but also extended to personal matters, such as artistic preferences and sometimes even family life. While a boundary existed between what was “private” and what was “public,” the state could easily breach it. Most Soviet citizens, including our informants, were not politically engaged, as “politics” often implied anti-Soviet sentiments that could jeopardize their private lives.
The American dream of the (post) Soviet Jewish emigration
Every American dream is, at its core, a dream of freedom. However, freedom, as conceptualized by Isaiah Berlin, can take two forms: positive (freedom to) and negative (freedom from). As for the American dream, a “positive” dream centers on building something new, while a “negative” one focuses on rejecting the old. For Soviet and post-Soviet Jewish emigrants, the American dream belonged to the latter type.
In this article, we will explore how and why Republican preferences developed among emigrants of the late-Soviet and early post-Soviet wave, and what draws them to Trump. We will examine this through the lens of the “American dream” – a set of ideas about the US and expectations of emigration that are characteristic of this group.
Features of the late-Soviet and early post-Soviet wave
The wave of emigration from the 1970s to the early 1990s is often referred to as the “Jewish wave,” as it consisted predominantly of Soviet Jews who first gained the opportunity to leave the Soviet Union in the early 1970s, when the Soviet government, under international pressure, relaxed emigration restrictions for Jews. Many more emigrated following the opening of borders in the Gorbachev era.
Two key factors distinguish this wave of emigration from subsequent ones, shaping the political preferences of this core of the Russian-speaking community in the US.
Firstly, these are people who experienced the implicit discrimination practiced in the Soviet Union. Importantly, identification as a “Jew” was not a personal choice but rather a state-imposed label, namely through the ethnicity field in one’s passport, that determined a person’s prospects. Jews faced significant barriers to accessing certain areas of higher education and advancing in their careers. Certain fields, such as diplomatic service and trade, were completely off limits for them.
Here are some quotes from our interviews that highlight how our informants perceive their Soviet past and connection to their homeland.
We saw the Soviet Union as our homeland, but they never saw us as a part of theirs. It was Russians, purely Russian people – it was their country. They never viewed it as mine and I was never seen as equal to them. (Female, 55 years old, emigrated in 1990)
If they found out you wanted to emigrate, you were immediately fired… expelled from the trade unions and Komsomol. You became an outcast. We were already outcasts as Jews in the Soviet Union, and this pushed you completely outside the law. (Female, 57 years old, emigrated in 1992)
Secondly, having grown up in the Soviet Union, these individuals also endured ideological pressure from the state, ranging from the mandatory Marxist-Leninist approach to knowledge and education to the imposed ideological norms in behavior and rhetoric.
State control was not limited to ideology but also extended to personal matters, such as artistic preferences and sometimes even family life. While a boundary existed between what was “private” and what was “public,” the state could easily breach it. Most Soviet citizens, including our informants, were not politically engaged, as “politics” often implied anti-Soviet sentiments that could jeopardize their private lives.
The American dream of the (post) Soviet Jewish emigration
Every American dream is, at its core, a dream of freedom. However, freedom, as conceptualized by Isaiah Berlin, can take two forms: positive (freedom to) and negative (freedom from). As for the American dream, a “positive” dream centers on building something new, while a “negative” one focuses on rejecting the old. For Soviet and post-Soviet Jewish emigrants, the American dream belonged to the latter type.
“The essence of their dream was not so much about creating something new but rather about finding a place governed by principles fundamentally opposed to those of the country they had fled.”
Jewish barbers—immigrants from the USSR. Brighton Beach, New York,1980s. Source: Livejournal
They were running away from a state that intruded into private life, left little room for personal choice, exerted ideological pressure and categorized people based on prescriptive traits.
At the same time, Soviet citizens had very little knowledge of how life in the US actually functioned. Soviet propaganda portrayed the US as the complete opposite of the Soviet Union, which, for those who dismissed all propaganda as a lie, was enough to imagine it as a land of absolute freedom – where the state does not interfere in private life and where everyone, regardless of nationality or social background, has an opportunity for a dignified life. (Seemingly, they dismissed racism as another piece of propaganda and did not have non-whites in mind.)
I had this idea about America – that it’s a country where if a person works, they live like a human being. And that everything is free here, the state does not interfere in your life: you can, within reasonable limits, do whatever you want, say whatever you want. You go to work, work honestly, then come home and relax. (Male, 65 years old, emigrated in 1975)
This is what the US was built on: live your life, earn your money, make all your own choices. If you want, send your child to daycare; if you want, have your wife stay home; if you want, hire a nanny. Whatever you want. There are no obligations anywhere. (Male, 75 years old, emigrated in 1978)
It is noteworthy that many emigrants’ attitudes toward politics, particularly regarding participation in elections, underwent a significant change after moving to the US. While electoral politics in the Soviet Union was often seen as a joke, as “elections without a choice,” obtaining US citizenship prompted emigrants to take voting seriously as making a meaningful choice. This shift also encouraged them to reflect on their own political preferences.
At the same time, Soviet citizens had very little knowledge of how life in the US actually functioned. Soviet propaganda portrayed the US as the complete opposite of the Soviet Union, which, for those who dismissed all propaganda as a lie, was enough to imagine it as a land of absolute freedom – where the state does not interfere in private life and where everyone, regardless of nationality or social background, has an opportunity for a dignified life. (Seemingly, they dismissed racism as another piece of propaganda and did not have non-whites in mind.)
I had this idea about America – that it’s a country where if a person works, they live like a human being. And that everything is free here, the state does not interfere in your life: you can, within reasonable limits, do whatever you want, say whatever you want. You go to work, work honestly, then come home and relax. (Male, 65 years old, emigrated in 1975)
This is what the US was built on: live your life, earn your money, make all your own choices. If you want, send your child to daycare; if you want, have your wife stay home; if you want, hire a nanny. Whatever you want. There are no obligations anywhere. (Male, 75 years old, emigrated in 1978)
It is noteworthy that many emigrants’ attitudes toward politics, particularly regarding participation in elections, underwent a significant change after moving to the US. While electoral politics in the Soviet Union was often seen as a joke, as “elections without a choice,” obtaining US citizenship prompted emigrants to take voting seriously as making a meaningful choice. This shift also encouraged them to reflect on their own political preferences.
Jewish émigrés from the Soviet Union on Brighton Beach, New York.1980s. Source: Livejournal
Making political choice: Fears and disappointments
Speaking about their political preferences, our informants emphasize not what attracts them to Republican politics but rather what repels them in the Democratic agenda.
Among the most “painful” points is the incorporation of Black studies, along with the history of racism and slavery, into school curricula, which Soviet emigrants see as the imposition of an ideological agenda and interference in child-raising – a violation of parents’ rights.
In colleges, an ideology is being pushed that undermines the very fabric of society – the ideology of turning people against each other. When we say there is a victim, it implies there is someone who made them a victim. And it’s not just about individuals, but about collective responsibility. What they are saying today is: “all Russians are bad.” I categorically reject the idea of collective responsibility. I believe that responsibility is always individual. (Male, 60 years old, emigrated in 1991)
According to our informants, singling out discriminated groups, whether African Americans, homosexuals or women, not only destroys equality of opportunity but also tears American society apart. One group begins to hate the other, which benefits politicians by making it easier to mobilize and engage potential voters.
Defending their uncompromising stance against granting special recognition to minorities and marginalized groups, our informants often draw on their Soviet experience. They frequently argue that Americans born in the US are too complacent, as they lack the firsthand experience of living in a “totalitarian” regime. As a result, they are skeptical of the ultimate benefit of government policies of providing preferences to specific social groups, as embodied in the concept of affirmative action.
In the free country that they came to, everyone can decide for themselves what to do in their private life (carry a weapon, educate their children with any textbooks and principles, etc.), as long as they are not breaking the law.
Speaking about their political preferences, our informants emphasize not what attracts them to Republican politics but rather what repels them in the Democratic agenda.
Among the most “painful” points is the incorporation of Black studies, along with the history of racism and slavery, into school curricula, which Soviet emigrants see as the imposition of an ideological agenda and interference in child-raising – a violation of parents’ rights.
In colleges, an ideology is being pushed that undermines the very fabric of society – the ideology of turning people against each other. When we say there is a victim, it implies there is someone who made them a victim. And it’s not just about individuals, but about collective responsibility. What they are saying today is: “all Russians are bad.” I categorically reject the idea of collective responsibility. I believe that responsibility is always individual. (Male, 60 years old, emigrated in 1991)
According to our informants, singling out discriminated groups, whether African Americans, homosexuals or women, not only destroys equality of opportunity but also tears American society apart. One group begins to hate the other, which benefits politicians by making it easier to mobilize and engage potential voters.
Defending their uncompromising stance against granting special recognition to minorities and marginalized groups, our informants often draw on their Soviet experience. They frequently argue that Americans born in the US are too complacent, as they lack the firsthand experience of living in a “totalitarian” regime. As a result, they are skeptical of the ultimate benefit of government policies of providing preferences to specific social groups, as embodied in the concept of affirmative action.
In the free country that they came to, everyone can decide for themselves what to do in their private life (carry a weapon, educate their children with any textbooks and principles, etc.), as long as they are not breaking the law.
“While the nature of the ‘Soviet American dream’ reveals much about the Soviet society that gave rise to it, the way it prompts specific political choice speaks volumes about the society in which it unfolds.”
Our informants’ preference for the Republican Party is influenced not solely by their own American dream but also by the limitations of the US two-party system, which often frames political decisions as a “negative choice” confined to just two dominant players.
What attracts Russian emigrants to Trump?
As with Republican preferences in general, Russian Americans’ support for Trump is often a form of protest voting. The rejection of the Democratic agenda – perceived as an imposition of ideology and embodied by President Biden – leads to Trump being seen as the only viable alternative.
I did not vote so much for him [Trump] – which, by the way, is typical – but rather against. Yes, I voted against Biden because I hate ideology as such. Biden is ideology… It’s fake and manipulation. (Male, 65 years old, emigrated in 1975)
Another manifestation of the protest nature of this vote is the perception of Trump as someone who positions himself against a bloated and bureaucratic state, in the worst, “Soviet” sense of the term. Importantly, it does not matter whether this state is run by Republicans or Democrats; government bureaucracy is seen as evil and Trump as its defiant opponent.
Another thing – he [Trump] talked about this, and it is absolutely true – he spoke out against the entire bureaucracy, against the establishment. Trump is a revolutionary; he spoke like one. The whole establishment is just bureaucracy, whether it’s Democrats or Republicans… Trump is Trump – a figure entirely his own. (Female, 63 years old, emigrated in 1989)
The same anti-elite logic underpins the positive perception of Trump’s rule-breaking behavior. For individuals who prioritize independence and privacy, especially in the shadow of a state viewed as a source of constraints on the individual, defying state-imposed rules becomes a sign of intelligence and courage, our respondents’ avowed respect for the rule of law notwithstanding. In this context, the more state institutions go after Trump for breaking the rules, the more heroic he appears in the eyes of his Russian supporters.
Another distinctive feature of Trump, often highlighted in our interviews as central to his appeal, is his “sincerity.” For our informants, this term refers to his rhetorical style, which blatantly disregards conventional decorum and civility.
What attracts Russian emigrants to Trump?
As with Republican preferences in general, Russian Americans’ support for Trump is often a form of protest voting. The rejection of the Democratic agenda – perceived as an imposition of ideology and embodied by President Biden – leads to Trump being seen as the only viable alternative.
I did not vote so much for him [Trump] – which, by the way, is typical – but rather against. Yes, I voted against Biden because I hate ideology as such. Biden is ideology… It’s fake and manipulation. (Male, 65 years old, emigrated in 1975)
Another manifestation of the protest nature of this vote is the perception of Trump as someone who positions himself against a bloated and bureaucratic state, in the worst, “Soviet” sense of the term. Importantly, it does not matter whether this state is run by Republicans or Democrats; government bureaucracy is seen as evil and Trump as its defiant opponent.
Another thing – he [Trump] talked about this, and it is absolutely true – he spoke out against the entire bureaucracy, against the establishment. Trump is a revolutionary; he spoke like one. The whole establishment is just bureaucracy, whether it’s Democrats or Republicans… Trump is Trump – a figure entirely his own. (Female, 63 years old, emigrated in 1989)
The same anti-elite logic underpins the positive perception of Trump’s rule-breaking behavior. For individuals who prioritize independence and privacy, especially in the shadow of a state viewed as a source of constraints on the individual, defying state-imposed rules becomes a sign of intelligence and courage, our respondents’ avowed respect for the rule of law notwithstanding. In this context, the more state institutions go after Trump for breaking the rules, the more heroic he appears in the eyes of his Russian supporters.
Another distinctive feature of Trump, often highlighted in our interviews as central to his appeal, is his “sincerity.” For our informants, this term refers to his rhetorical style, which blatantly disregards conventional decorum and civility.
“Similarly, Trump’s defiance of political correctness resonates positively with them. These norms are often associated with imposed ideological constraints on public speech in the USSR.”
For many who grew up and lived in the Soviet Union, the state represents a realm of hypocrisy, lies and formalism – the very antithesis of sincerity.
Trump does not have the eloquence of Obama. Obama speaks beautifully, but it’s all completely empty. There’s nothing there: “we are the American people. We are the American people.” That’s all you hear, over and over. Smooth, polished words that mean nothing… It’s deception – quiet, pretty deception… I wanted change, and it seemed to me that he [Trump] was the one. Sure, he is funny, sometimes he says nonsense. Sometimes he does not. But he is sincere. (Female, 57 years old, emigrated in 1992)
In both the Russian and Soviet cultural contexts, “sincerity” holds a central place as a valued quality. Yet sincerity, which includes honesty, is not equivalent to it. Sincerity is primarily about authenticity and dynamism: saying what one truly believes, unconstrained by formal limitations. It is the hallmark of someone perceived as “real” and unrestrained, a quality that Trump embodies for his supporters.
Another significant reason why Russian Americans prefer Republicans and Trump is his support for Israel. This issue holds singular importance for members of the Russian Jewish emigrant community, both because of their painful experience with antisemitism in the Soviet Union and because many have family and friends in Israel.
Trump does not have the eloquence of Obama. Obama speaks beautifully, but it’s all completely empty. There’s nothing there: “we are the American people. We are the American people.” That’s all you hear, over and over. Smooth, polished words that mean nothing… It’s deception – quiet, pretty deception… I wanted change, and it seemed to me that he [Trump] was the one. Sure, he is funny, sometimes he says nonsense. Sometimes he does not. But he is sincere. (Female, 57 years old, emigrated in 1992)
In both the Russian and Soviet cultural contexts, “sincerity” holds a central place as a valued quality. Yet sincerity, which includes honesty, is not equivalent to it. Sincerity is primarily about authenticity and dynamism: saying what one truly believes, unconstrained by formal limitations. It is the hallmark of someone perceived as “real” and unrestrained, a quality that Trump embodies for his supporters.
Another significant reason why Russian Americans prefer Republicans and Trump is his support for Israel. This issue holds singular importance for members of the Russian Jewish emigrant community, both because of their painful experience with antisemitism in the Soviet Union and because many have family and friends in Israel.
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