Politics
How the Russian Elite ‘Fights’
in Ukraine
in Ukraine
December 3, 2024
- Timofei PanovJournalist
Based on news reports and social media posts, journalist Timofei Panov of Republic talks about the privileges afforded to Russian government officials and politicians who sign up to serve in Ukraine.
The original text in Russian was published in Republic. A shortened version is being republished here with their permission.
Russian officials and MPs, despite the patriotic rhetoric of the Kremlin, are reluctant to go to Ukraine. Only a few are true believers, while the rest, when they sign up for the war, have in mind mainly selfish goals – atoning for their sins, escaping criminal punishment and boosting their career prospects.
Unlike mobilized and contract soldiers, who face indefinite tours of duty, the officials and MPs who decide to go to Ukraine return as “heroes” just months later. Meanwhile, their service “at the front” often turns out to be in the rear. This allows the elite to “fight” in Ukraine without really putting themselves at risk.
War in the morning, Duma in the evening
Thanks to the career lift created by Putin, Ukraine veterans, whom the Kremlin calls the “new elite,” are receiving appointments to government posts.
Russian officials and MPs, despite the patriotic rhetoric of the Kremlin, are reluctant to go to Ukraine. Only a few are true believers, while the rest, when they sign up for the war, have in mind mainly selfish goals – atoning for their sins, escaping criminal punishment and boosting their career prospects.
Unlike mobilized and contract soldiers, who face indefinite tours of duty, the officials and MPs who decide to go to Ukraine return as “heroes” just months later. Meanwhile, their service “at the front” often turns out to be in the rear. This allows the elite to “fight” in Ukraine without really putting themselves at risk.
War in the morning, Duma in the evening
Thanks to the career lift created by Putin, Ukraine veterans, whom the Kremlin calls the “new elite,” are receiving appointments to government posts.
Artem Zhoga at a Kremlin award ceremony asked Putin to run for reelection. Moscow, December 2023. Photo: Wiki Commons
The most striking recent example was the appointment of Artem Zhoga, the former commander of the Sparta Battalion and former speaker of the parliament of the self-proclaimed DNR, as presidential plenipotentiary in the Urals Federal District.
There is little information about how and where he fought; he last worked in Sparta headquarters. Zhoga is better known for losing his son in the war and for asking Vladimir Putin to run for president again at a Kremlin medal ceremony.
Another notable appointment was that of ex-Krasnodar Mayor and Duma MP Yevgeny Pervyshov to head Tambov Region (see Russia.Post about it here). He became the first Time of Heroes program participant, which is supposed to promote Ukraine veterans, to be named a regional governor.
Propagandists claim that Pervyshov fought in Ukraine. At the end of 2022, he really went as a volunteer, reportedly as part of a BARS (combat army reserve) unit called Cascade.
Cascade was formed shortly after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It was actively promoted by Andrei Turchak, then a Federation Council senator and now the governor of the Altai Republic.
According to some reports, the unit, which includes government officials, is stationed far from the front line, allowing the elite to play fight.
The most prominent Cascade soldier is Duma MP Vitaly Milonov. He first announced that he was going to the Donbas on September 23, 2022.
There is little information about how and where he fought; he last worked in Sparta headquarters. Zhoga is better known for losing his son in the war and for asking Vladimir Putin to run for president again at a Kremlin medal ceremony.
Another notable appointment was that of ex-Krasnodar Mayor and Duma MP Yevgeny Pervyshov to head Tambov Region (see Russia.Post about it here). He became the first Time of Heroes program participant, which is supposed to promote Ukraine veterans, to be named a regional governor.
Propagandists claim that Pervyshov fought in Ukraine. At the end of 2022, he really went as a volunteer, reportedly as part of a BARS (combat army reserve) unit called Cascade.
Cascade was formed shortly after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It was actively promoted by Andrei Turchak, then a Federation Council senator and now the governor of the Altai Republic.
According to some reports, the unit, which includes government officials, is stationed far from the front line, allowing the elite to play fight.
The most prominent Cascade soldier is Duma MP Vitaly Milonov. He first announced that he was going to the Donbas on September 23, 2022.
“Just a week after ‘leaving for the front’, on September 30, Milonov was spotted in the Kremlin during a speech by Putin.”
Duma MP Vitaly Milonov “at the front”. Photo: Social media
“Do you think that a person should be there [at the front] without leaving, or what?” was how he explained his appearance in Moscow.
Later, Milonov attributed his frequent appearances deep behind the front line to his fear of losing his mandate because of poor attendance. With the war raging, Milonov, known for his longtime fight against LGBT rights, has come out with anti-immigrant initiatives, proposed measures to combat drug addiction and expressed indignation at ticket prices at the Bolshoi Theater. Lately, he has been less and less often “in the trenches,” yet that has not stopped him from making regular calls to send as many men as possible to Ukraine.
Like Milonov, the above mentioned Pervyshov also freely left the combat zone. In particular, he was seen at a meeting with the governor of Krasnodar Region. He claimed to be just dropping in “for a few days.” Not long after, he was tapped to lead Tambov Region.
Other MPs and officials have also “fought” in Cascade. As Novaya Gazeta has noted, the leader of Cascade, Dmitri Sablin, who founded the Antimaidan ultrapatriotic movement and heads the Combat Brotherhood veterans group, is supposedly in Ukraine all the time, though the media has repeatedly spotted him vacationing in Turkey.
Later, Milonov attributed his frequent appearances deep behind the front line to his fear of losing his mandate because of poor attendance. With the war raging, Milonov, known for his longtime fight against LGBT rights, has come out with anti-immigrant initiatives, proposed measures to combat drug addiction and expressed indignation at ticket prices at the Bolshoi Theater. Lately, he has been less and less often “in the trenches,” yet that has not stopped him from making regular calls to send as many men as possible to Ukraine.
Like Milonov, the above mentioned Pervyshov also freely left the combat zone. In particular, he was seen at a meeting with the governor of Krasnodar Region. He claimed to be just dropping in “for a few days.” Not long after, he was tapped to lead Tambov Region.
Other MPs and officials have also “fought” in Cascade. As Novaya Gazeta has noted, the leader of Cascade, Dmitri Sablin, who founded the Antimaidan ultrapatriotic movement and heads the Combat Brotherhood veterans group, is supposedly in Ukraine all the time, though the media has repeatedly spotted him vacationing in Turkey.
Duma MP from Novosibirsk Region Dmitri Savelyev. Photo: Social media
A couple months, then back home
Following the example of Cascade, military units for the elite have been set by Russia’s regions. One of them is Vega from Novosibirsk Region. Its first commander was the vice-speaker of the regional parliament, Andrei Panferov. The unit was named in honor of the 67th Separate Spetsnaz Brigade based in Berdsk (Novosibirsk Region), which distinguished itself in Afghanistan and the North Caucasus before being disbanded.
Many well-known locals volunteered to join the unit, like the number-two man in the Novosibirsk city council, Yevgeny Yakovenko.
Vega was reportedly allowed to conduct front-line combat missions in early February 2023. After that, many of these Novosibirsk volunteers began to be awarded medals and orders. Among them was Duma MP Dmitri Savelyev, who was listed as a communications officer in Vega.
Following the example of Cascade, military units for the elite have been set by Russia’s regions. One of them is Vega from Novosibirsk Region. Its first commander was the vice-speaker of the regional parliament, Andrei Panferov. The unit was named in honor of the 67th Separate Spetsnaz Brigade based in Berdsk (Novosibirsk Region), which distinguished itself in Afghanistan and the North Caucasus before being disbanded.
Many well-known locals volunteered to join the unit, like the number-two man in the Novosibirsk city council, Yevgeny Yakovenko.
Vega was reportedly allowed to conduct front-line combat missions in early February 2023. After that, many of these Novosibirsk volunteers began to be awarded medals and orders. Among them was Duma MP Dmitri Savelyev, who was listed as a communications officer in Vega.
“Like other Novosibirsk elites, the MP came home in May 2023 – his tour of duty having lasted no more than three months.”
Panferov, upon returning to Novosibirsk Region, said that he and other officials had “fulfilled their assigned task,” after which they had been replaced in Ukraine by a younger generation of soldiers. He did not specify what exactly they had done as part of Vega. The tour of duty for some lasted two months or less. In their pictures from Ukraine on social media, they have clean shoes and uniforms, seemingly far from the front lines.
Officials from Belgorod Region enjoy the same privileges with their own BARS unit. For example, Deputy Governor Rustem Zainullin served in it for no more than a month and a half (from early October to mid-November 2024) before returning to his position, having been awarded a letter of thanks from the governor.
The same thing happened with the heads of Krasnogvardeysky District and Gubkinsky District, Galina Rudenko and Mikhail Lobaznov, respectively, who joined the unit in October.
In total, there are currently dozens of units with “volunteer” status operating in Ukraine. It is not only various BARS detachments, created at the expense of Russia’s regions, but also private military companies (PMCs), formed by large public and quasi-public companies and institutions (for example, Uran of Roscosmos and Potok and Fakel of Gazprom – see Republic about them here and here). There are also professional PMCs like Wagner.
A special feature of serving in these units is short-term contracts with full military benefits and pay. The contracts can be terminated at any time upon request.
Officials from Belgorod Region enjoy the same privileges with their own BARS unit. For example, Deputy Governor Rustem Zainullin served in it for no more than a month and a half (from early October to mid-November 2024) before returning to his position, having been awarded a letter of thanks from the governor.
The same thing happened with the heads of Krasnogvardeysky District and Gubkinsky District, Galina Rudenko and Mikhail Lobaznov, respectively, who joined the unit in October.
In total, there are currently dozens of units with “volunteer” status operating in Ukraine. It is not only various BARS detachments, created at the expense of Russia’s regions, but also private military companies (PMCs), formed by large public and quasi-public companies and institutions (for example, Uran of Roscosmos and Potok and Fakel of Gazprom – see Republic about them here and here). There are also professional PMCs like Wagner.
A special feature of serving in these units is short-term contracts with full military benefits and pay. The contracts can be terminated at any time upon request.
“Meanwhile, the law does not prescribe a limit for tours of duty for ‘ordinary’ mobilized soldiers. They may leave the battlefield only in the case of injury (or death) or if they reach the maximum age for serving.”
Vasily Starkov, a former minister of transport of Sverdlovsk Region. Photo: Social media
Going to Ukraine to escape criminal cases
Another way to simulate fighting in the “special military operation” is to sign a contract with the Russian Defense Ministry. This is often used by officials against whom there are open criminal cases – currently, signing a contract frees them from liability. But even here, there are shams.
For example, a former minister of transport of Sverdlovsk Region, Vasily Starkov, who is being tried for corruption, declared that he was going to Ukraine. He posted a photo of himself on social media near an armored personnel carrier with the letter Z. It was even reported that Starkov received a medal.
But it soon turned out that Starkov had served in a military unit in his hometown of Yekaterinburg, where he was listed as a rail maintenance worker. The “unit” was the office of a “federal state institution” called 66 Financial/Economic Service, officially established by the Defense Ministry in April 2024.
Starkov admitted that he spent only two months “at the front” and “did not walk around with a rifle every day; his work was related to supply.” Now, his criminal case is back in court, and his case has been restarted in the wake of the scandal.
In addition, a bribery case against the former chief of the Sverdlovsk Region roads department, Vyacheslav Danilov, was suspended because he “went [to fight in] the special military operation.” Danilov also figures in the Starkov case.
There are at least dozens of officials who have signed up to “fight” to avoid punishment in criminal cases.
To be fair, there are also true believers among the politicians and officials going to Ukraine. For example, a regional MP from Buryatia, Namsaray Namsarayev, said he could no longer watch how young men were being sent off; he served on the real front line and was wounded. The same happened to Perm Region MP Alexander Grigorenko, who lost his arm (he now heads a school).
According to open-source data, at least 30 Russian officials and politicians have been killed in fighting since the start of the Ukraine war. The total number of confirmed Russian military deaths, as estimated by the BBC Russian service and Mediazona, approached 80,000 as of mid-November 2024 (around 120,000 judging by Probate registry data).
Another way to simulate fighting in the “special military operation” is to sign a contract with the Russian Defense Ministry. This is often used by officials against whom there are open criminal cases – currently, signing a contract frees them from liability. But even here, there are shams.
For example, a former minister of transport of Sverdlovsk Region, Vasily Starkov, who is being tried for corruption, declared that he was going to Ukraine. He posted a photo of himself on social media near an armored personnel carrier with the letter Z. It was even reported that Starkov received a medal.
But it soon turned out that Starkov had served in a military unit in his hometown of Yekaterinburg, where he was listed as a rail maintenance worker. The “unit” was the office of a “federal state institution” called 66 Financial/Economic Service, officially established by the Defense Ministry in April 2024.
Starkov admitted that he spent only two months “at the front” and “did not walk around with a rifle every day; his work was related to supply.” Now, his criminal case is back in court, and his case has been restarted in the wake of the scandal.
In addition, a bribery case against the former chief of the Sverdlovsk Region roads department, Vyacheslav Danilov, was suspended because he “went [to fight in] the special military operation.” Danilov also figures in the Starkov case.
There are at least dozens of officials who have signed up to “fight” to avoid punishment in criminal cases.
To be fair, there are also true believers among the politicians and officials going to Ukraine. For example, a regional MP from Buryatia, Namsaray Namsarayev, said he could no longer watch how young men were being sent off; he served on the real front line and was wounded. The same happened to Perm Region MP Alexander Grigorenko, who lost his arm (he now heads a school).
According to open-source data, at least 30 Russian officials and politicians have been killed in fighting since the start of the Ukraine war. The total number of confirmed Russian military deaths, as estimated by the BBC Russian service and Mediazona, approached 80,000 as of mid-November 2024 (around 120,000 judging by Probate registry data).
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