POLITICS
The Kremlin Faces Mass Pushback on Campaign to Block Telegram
April 16, 2026
The Russian authorities’ attacks on Telegram and VPNs have turned into the most serious political crisis in Russia in recent years, with even the loyal opposition and prowar bloggers lining up against the Kremlin.
In February, a new wave of government restrictions began in Russia’s internet space. Roskomnadzor, the agency responsible for digital censorship, announced the launch of efforts to limit the operation of Telegram in Russia. By early April, the messenger had become almost completely inaccessible in the country. In addition, pressure on WhatsApp was ratcheted up. Last autumn, Roskomnadzor had moved to limit voice calls via messengers. Meanwhile, the authorities are trying to push Russians to use Max, a local superapp, owned by VK and compliant with all Russian laws. Chats for neighborhood, school and university groups are being forcibly transferred to Max.
In recent weeks, the government has also stepped up efforts to curb the use of circumvention tools – VPN services – used by roughly 20% of Russians. According to sources cited in the Russian media, Maksut Shadayev, head of the Ministry of Digital Development, which oversees Roskomnadzor, urged telecom operators and digital platforms at a meeting to take measures against VPN use. Operators will be required to introduce charges for consumption exceeding 15 GB of international traffic a month, while digital platforms, like VK, Ozon, Avito, Wildberries and Yandex, are expected to restrict access for users with VPNs enabled. In recent days, some companies have already begun implementing these measures.
Shadayev later described the steps against VPNs as a hard compromise, apparently alluding to pressure from the siloviki, who wanted tougher restrictions. He reportedly sought to avoid the more draconian solution of enacting administrative liability for VPN use.
The independent investigative journalism outlet Verstka, citing sources in the Presidential Administration, identified the FSB as the driving force behind the blocking campaign. Meanwhile, non-silovik officials fear a surge in public discontent against the backdrop of these unpopular measures.
In recent weeks, the government has also stepped up efforts to curb the use of circumvention tools – VPN services – used by roughly 20% of Russians. According to sources cited in the Russian media, Maksut Shadayev, head of the Ministry of Digital Development, which oversees Roskomnadzor, urged telecom operators and digital platforms at a meeting to take measures against VPN use. Operators will be required to introduce charges for consumption exceeding 15 GB of international traffic a month, while digital platforms, like VK, Ozon, Avito, Wildberries and Yandex, are expected to restrict access for users with VPNs enabled. In recent days, some companies have already begun implementing these measures.
Shadayev later described the steps against VPNs as a hard compromise, apparently alluding to pressure from the siloviki, who wanted tougher restrictions. He reportedly sought to avoid the more draconian solution of enacting administrative liability for VPN use.
The independent investigative journalism outlet Verstka, citing sources in the Presidential Administration, identified the FSB as the driving force behind the blocking campaign. Meanwhile, non-silovik officials fear a surge in public discontent against the backdrop of these unpopular measures.
Christian Wiediger / Unsplash
Telegram remains popular
Despite sustained pressure from Russian regulators and performance restrictions, Telegram continues to expand its Russian audience. According to the Levada Center, the messenger’s daily users have grown five percentage points over the past year to 46% of Russians, strengthening its position as the country’s second most popular digital platform behind VK.
Its resilience is particularly evident among younger users: in the under-24 age group, 68% of respondents use Telegram, meaning it is a critical means of communication. Whereas the blocked YouTube has seen declining use, Telegram retains a core of loyal users for whom it has become an indispensable source of information.
Blocks weigh on Putin’s popularity
According to Levada Center polling, the hardline policy of blocking Telegram and WhatsApp has shifted public sentiment: whereas six months ago nearly half the country viewed restrictions in the digital sphere with relative tolerance, by March the percentage of Russians expressing dissatisfaction had exceeded 55%.
The erosion of everyday convenience is already translating into political risks for the regime. The Public Opinion Foundation (FOM), a loyalist pollster, recorded the sharpest drop in Vladimir Putin’s approval rating since the start of the war, which plunged five percentage points in a single week, from 76% to 71%. The downward pressure on ratings is seen across the entire “power vertical”: pollsters report worsening attitudes toward the government, Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin and the ruling United Russia party, with only 38% of Russians now ready to vote for it. Notably, the state-backed polling firm VTsIOM has also confirmed record declines: its data shows Putin’s approval has slid to 70.1%, while the share of respondents openly disapproving of his performance has risen to 19%.
Amid the new restrictions, the opposition has attempted to secure approval for protests: every one of at least 30 applications filed was rejected. Nevertheless, unauthorized demonstrations against the blocks took place in several Russian cities. The authorities have responded harshly, detaining dozens of protesters. In terms of “preemptive” detentions, ahead of the rallies, these protests became the largest since summer 2023, when events against political repression were held in Russia and abroad to mark the birthday of opposition leader Alexei Navalny.
Despite the rising popular dissatisfaction, the Kremlin has managed to achieve tactical goals in reshaping the digital space. Max users have risen from 6% to 42% of the population over the past six months. In addition, the Levada Center points to a “digital ceiling”: the share of VPN users has stabilized at around 20% as the most active segment of the population has adapted to and learned how to get around the restrictions, while the broader public generally prefers switching to local alternatives.
Despite sustained pressure from Russian regulators and performance restrictions, Telegram continues to expand its Russian audience. According to the Levada Center, the messenger’s daily users have grown five percentage points over the past year to 46% of Russians, strengthening its position as the country’s second most popular digital platform behind VK.
Its resilience is particularly evident among younger users: in the under-24 age group, 68% of respondents use Telegram, meaning it is a critical means of communication. Whereas the blocked YouTube has seen declining use, Telegram retains a core of loyal users for whom it has become an indispensable source of information.
Blocks weigh on Putin’s popularity
According to Levada Center polling, the hardline policy of blocking Telegram and WhatsApp has shifted public sentiment: whereas six months ago nearly half the country viewed restrictions in the digital sphere with relative tolerance, by March the percentage of Russians expressing dissatisfaction had exceeded 55%.
The erosion of everyday convenience is already translating into political risks for the regime. The Public Opinion Foundation (FOM), a loyalist pollster, recorded the sharpest drop in Vladimir Putin’s approval rating since the start of the war, which plunged five percentage points in a single week, from 76% to 71%. The downward pressure on ratings is seen across the entire “power vertical”: pollsters report worsening attitudes toward the government, Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin and the ruling United Russia party, with only 38% of Russians now ready to vote for it. Notably, the state-backed polling firm VTsIOM has also confirmed record declines: its data shows Putin’s approval has slid to 70.1%, while the share of respondents openly disapproving of his performance has risen to 19%.
Amid the new restrictions, the opposition has attempted to secure approval for protests: every one of at least 30 applications filed was rejected. Nevertheless, unauthorized demonstrations against the blocks took place in several Russian cities. The authorities have responded harshly, detaining dozens of protesters. In terms of “preemptive” detentions, ahead of the rallies, these protests became the largest since summer 2023, when events against political repression were held in Russia and abroad to mark the birthday of opposition leader Alexei Navalny.
Despite the rising popular dissatisfaction, the Kremlin has managed to achieve tactical goals in reshaping the digital space. Max users have risen from 6% to 42% of the population over the past six months. In addition, the Levada Center points to a “digital ceiling”: the share of VPN users has stabilized at around 20% as the most active segment of the population has adapted to and learned how to get around the restrictions, while the broader public generally prefers switching to local alternatives.
Dimitri Karastelev / Unsplash
Even the ‘systemic opposition’ pushing back
The campaign to block Telegram has triggered a visible split within the Russian elite, forming what amounts to an “internal opposition.” Leaders of all the parties in the Duma, political strategists (polittekhnologi) and prowar bloggers have united to oppose the Ministry of Digital Development and Roskomnadzor. While establishment politicians such as Sergei Mironov and Gennady Zyuganov have criticized the restrictions from the Duma rostrum, calling them “counterproductive,” experts and strategists point to a more pragmatic concern: by destroying Telegram, the authorities are voluntarily giving up one of their most powerful tools of soft power and external influence.
The conflict is sharpened by discontent among patriotic bloggers and pro-government activists such as Yekaterina Mizulina. For them, Telegram serves as the main platform for promoting the Kremlin agenda and coordinating wartime needs, making the campaign to block it look like a blow to national security and the war effort. With the Duma election approaching in September, even pro-government media and political consultants are warning the Kremlin against crude actions, arguing that pressure on the digital sphere not only erodes trust in state institutions but also leaves the information space exposed to external threats.
The unpopular restrictions, combined with a worsening economic backdrop, are creating the conditions for a rise in the popularity of the “legal,” or “systemic,” opposition. The New People party, riding more outspoken criticism of the restrictions than other political forces have allowed themselves, has for the first time moved into second place in party rankings. Paradoxically, however, this may not work out in its favor. Political scientist Yekaterina Schulmann, as quoted by the independent news site Agentstvo, suggests New People may find itself in a position previously occupied by the KPRF “when, due to objective sociopolitical factors, a party begins to get bigger than what it is supposed to according to the plan of the Presidential Administration.” She added that if the Presidential Administration does not revise its plans, New People may be instructed “to ruin everything” by making statements that repel voters.
Will the restrictions be rolled back?
The rising social tensions, along with falling approval ratings, have forced the Kremlin to begin reconsidering its policy of sweeping internet restrictions. According to reporting by Bloomberg and Forbes, senior officials have warned the leadership of serious political and economic risks: aggressive curbs on connectivity not only disrupt everyday life but also undermine the official narrative of national unity. In the run-up to the September Duma election – and against the backdrop of public fatigue with rising prices and taxes – maintaining access to Telegram is increasingly viewed as a necessary release valve for social discontent. As of April 14, however, the blocking of Telegram has not eased.
The campaign to block Telegram has triggered a visible split within the Russian elite, forming what amounts to an “internal opposition.” Leaders of all the parties in the Duma, political strategists (polittekhnologi) and prowar bloggers have united to oppose the Ministry of Digital Development and Roskomnadzor. While establishment politicians such as Sergei Mironov and Gennady Zyuganov have criticized the restrictions from the Duma rostrum, calling them “counterproductive,” experts and strategists point to a more pragmatic concern: by destroying Telegram, the authorities are voluntarily giving up one of their most powerful tools of soft power and external influence.
The conflict is sharpened by discontent among patriotic bloggers and pro-government activists such as Yekaterina Mizulina. For them, Telegram serves as the main platform for promoting the Kremlin agenda and coordinating wartime needs, making the campaign to block it look like a blow to national security and the war effort. With the Duma election approaching in September, even pro-government media and political consultants are warning the Kremlin against crude actions, arguing that pressure on the digital sphere not only erodes trust in state institutions but also leaves the information space exposed to external threats.
The unpopular restrictions, combined with a worsening economic backdrop, are creating the conditions for a rise in the popularity of the “legal,” or “systemic,” opposition. The New People party, riding more outspoken criticism of the restrictions than other political forces have allowed themselves, has for the first time moved into second place in party rankings. Paradoxically, however, this may not work out in its favor. Political scientist Yekaterina Schulmann, as quoted by the independent news site Agentstvo, suggests New People may find itself in a position previously occupied by the KPRF “when, due to objective sociopolitical factors, a party begins to get bigger than what it is supposed to according to the plan of the Presidential Administration.” She added that if the Presidential Administration does not revise its plans, New People may be instructed “to ruin everything” by making statements that repel voters.
Will the restrictions be rolled back?
The rising social tensions, along with falling approval ratings, have forced the Kremlin to begin reconsidering its policy of sweeping internet restrictions. According to reporting by Bloomberg and Forbes, senior officials have warned the leadership of serious political and economic risks: aggressive curbs on connectivity not only disrupt everyday life but also undermine the official narrative of national unity. In the run-up to the September Duma election – and against the backdrop of public fatigue with rising prices and taxes – maintaining access to Telegram is increasingly viewed as a necessary release valve for social discontent. As of April 14, however, the blocking of Telegram has not eased.
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