Future prospectsWhen the war began, the Russian army bombed the Energomashspetsstal plant in Ukraine’s Kramatorsk, which in 2022 was supposed to produce ice teeth, rudder elements and propellers for Zvezda. Meanwhile,
it takes two to three years to produce all this in Russia.
Yet there is another problem: imports. For nuclear-powered icebreakers, the share of imported equipment is 15-20% in money terms, and in this case it is not standard parts but special mechanisms that
were supposed to be ordered in the West and South Korea. Now, Iceberg is redesigning the Leader icebreaker, replacing the imported radar and navigation equipment.
As Atomflot General Director Leonid Irlitsa
said at The Arctic: Present and Future forum, the
Russia icebreaker was 11.14% completed as of December 2023. The slow pace was attributed to difficulties with casting large parts of the hull and assembling components for the nuclear power plant, even though these elements should not depend on imported equipment at all. In other words – basic internal problems are at fault.
In the future, the delay is only set to widen, including for reasons beyond Rosneft’s control. For example, according to
Kommersant, the price tag could rise by another RUB 70 billion to almost RUB 200 billion, while financing for the construction of the Leader icebreaker, based on the budget for 2024-26, could decrease by RUB 5 billion in three years. Thus, the timing of its launch could be pushed back to the end of 2029.
The government has already had to abandon the ambitious plan to build three super-icebreakers, with the latest edition of Russia’s Arctic Strategy, released in February 2023, penciling in only one icebreaker of the Leader series (
Russia.Postwrote about it
here) – not enough for year-round operation of the Northern Sea Route.
ConclusionThe story of the super-icebreaker
Russia allows us to draw several conclusions.
The example of Sechin’s Rosneft shows the extreme inefficiency of the Putin-built governing system, in which giant diversified chaebols bypass the government and report directly to the president. And corruption is not the only issue here. The incentive for the chaebols is to draw out the process and increase funding from the budget, not to achieve results. The chaebol heads, clawing for sovereignty in the Putin sense – i.e., independence from other players, self-sufficiency and absolute power in their allotted sphere – seek expansion and a monopoly position.
At all stages of the story with the super-icebreaker, we see Putin’s active personal participation. To the point that Zvezda
notified President Putin about problems with the supply of components in February 2023, with the issue then “sent to the government for consideration.”
By running things “manually” and issuing one decree after another, Putin is not just clearing obstacles for Sechin; indeed, the president is trying to realize an important geopolitical, military-strategic and symbolic project for himself, but it is not going very well. Sechin appears to be much more effective at achieving his goals than Putin.
Returning to the
Russia icebreaker, we can say with certainty that it will not be built by the initial deadline of 2025, or by the current target of 2027 or even by 2030. It will likely join the ranks of “historical achievements” like the Tsar Cannon, which was never shot in a war, and the Tsar Bell, which has never rung.
We see a whole chain of decisions that look ineffective at first glance: to build an icebreaker in the Far East, not in the Baltic, where everything for that is already ready; to build a metallurgical plant in the Far East, with a planned capacity of 1.5 million tons of steel per year, of which only a quarter is needed by Zvezda; to concentrate everything, from design to metal production and ship construction, under Rosneft. Yet there are unadvertised military-strategic considerations: diversifying production and shifting production capacity from Russia’s western border to the east to protect it in the event of a large-scale war with NATO.
According to the general director of the Rosatom subsidiary FSUE Atomflot, Vyacheslav Ruksha, “Leader in our ideology is an icebreaker primarily for direct access to the markets of Asian-Pacific countries... So, in reality, Leader is a question of Russia’s place in the liquefied gas market.”
In addition, the super-icebreaker has space for weapons.